Agenda journal south africa: Call for Abstracts | Agenda Feminist Media


Empowering Women for Gender Equity on JSTOR

Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity

Description: The Agenda journal facilitates dialogue and debates between academic gender researchers, activists within the women’s movement and other segments of civil society. The journal is recognized as part of African women’s long-term struggle against unequal power relations. It was first published in 1987 and is now in its 20th year of publication. To date, Agenda Feminist Media has published 70 themed, quarterly journals.

Coverage: 1987-2013 (No. 1 – Vol. 27, No. 4 (98))

Moving Wall: 7 years

(What is the moving wall?)

The “moving wall” represents the time period between the last issue
available in JSTOR and the most recently published issue of a journal.
Moving walls are generally represented in years. In rare instances, a
publisher has elected to have a “zero” moving wall, so their current
issues are available in JSTOR shortly after publication.
Note: In calculating the moving wall, the current year is not counted.
For example, if the current year is 2008 and a journal has a 5 year
moving wall, articles from the year 2002 are available.

Terms Related to the Moving Wall
Fixed walls: Journals with no new volumes being added to the archive.
Absorbed: Journals that are combined with another title.
Complete: Journals that are no longer published or that have been
combined with another title.

ISSN: 10130950

EISSN: 2158978X


Gender Studies,

Feminist & Women’s Studies,

Medicine & Allied Health,

African Studies,

Area Studies,

Social Sciences,

Health Policy


Arts & Sciences VII Collection,

JSTOR Archival Journal & Primary Source Collection,

JSTOR Essential Collection

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Whose Agenda?

In an effort to crush dissent before the 10th anniversary of the Soweto uprisings, South Africa’s white leaders imposed a nationwide state of emergency on June 13, 1986. The president’s declaration, intended to “insure the security of the public and maintain public order,” drastically restricted the freedoms of anti-apartheid activists and the journalists who covered them. One year later, as the state of emergency was still in place, Agenda: A Journal About Women and Gender was founded by a group of mostly white women academics based out of the sociology department of the University of Natal in Durban. The original “Editorial Collective” of Agenda consisted of six women who, like some of its authors, preferred to use only their first names as a state of emergency precaution: Debby, Shamim, Colleen, Aasha, Jo, and Alison.

With their journal, the founding editors hoped to provide South African women with “strategies for coping now as well as for organising towards [the] future,” as they wrote in Agenda’s mission statement. They further explained in the first issue that the state of emergency was making the struggle over gender consciousness in the anti-apartheid movement even harder, and they warned that women’s issues were at risk of slipping “further down the agenda.” But what agenda were they talking about?

“…they warned that women’s issues were at risk of slipping ‘further down the agenda.’ But what agenda were they talking about?”

Agenda’s first issue sought to combat that slippage in part by highlighting work being done to promote women’s issues by organizations across South Africa. While it featured a wide array of content—as did the issues that would follow—including original poetry, discussions of feminist terminology, and book reviews, the core of the content was about activism and political organizing. One article, for instance, briefed readers on the launch of the United Democratic Front (UDF) Women’s Congress, which in its resolution called for an end to the State of Emergency, the release of political detainees, a stop to sexual harassment of women in detention, condemnation of police action, and solidarity with workers. A photo essay showcased images of (mostly Black) women celebrating at a National Women’s Day event organized by the Natal Organisation of Women. Another article drew attention to the significant but controversial roles women were playing in South African labor unions—controversial, because paid women’s labor was often disparaged in the first place. Solutions-oriented discussions of women’s health issues were also heavily featured, such as in the column “Healthwatch.” Such content helped make the case that there’s progress to be found in specific, prioritized areas, and that these areas deserve attention as part of the struggle against apartheid.

In another article, ‘Women Face the Challenge’ by Marie, the author asked, “Have women activists and women’s organizations given sufficient attention to the specific position of women under apartheid capitalism?” and answers it with an emphatic “No.” Invoking the journal’s mission statement, which states that women “have to take up issues of their specific oppression as part of broader workplace, community and political struggles,” Marie insists that women must also fight for their own interests as part of the fight for a democratic South Africa.

In its first issue, Agenda had already assumed the position it would take for the next decade: the journal would amplify the work of women activists while seeking to inform and motivate more. But who were these activists it sought to amplify, and who were the “more” in that equation?

Covers of Agenda No. 1 from 1987 and No. 6 from 1990 with photographs by AFRAPIX.

Publishing content such as conference proceedings and featuring interviews with organizational leaders, Agenda’s pages mostly gave space to activist endeavors from within the boundaries of established organizations. These organizations included the UDF Women’s Congress—a feminist subgroup of the United Democratic Front, a “non-racial” coalition of African National Congress (ANC) supporters—and the Natal Organisation of Women—a centrist women’s group also closely affiliated with the ANC. Agenda was unextractable from a specific activist context: mostly ANC-aligned civic, political, health, and rural development organizations.

This model of tying the journal to organizations has largely prevailed, and Agenda continues to heavily feature, for example, public health and rural development case studies that promote the work of individual organizations, many originating in the Global North. It’s like a closed loop, where the organizations benefit from being featured in an academic journal and the editors strengthen their own ties to the same organizations, leaving little room for people outside of that sphere to enter the fold.

“It’s like a closed loop, where the organizations benefit from being featured in an academic journal and the editors strengthen their own ties to the same organizations, leaving little room for people outside of that sphere to enter the fold.”

Agenda initially defined its target audience as “interested women and key ideologues—educators, organisers, political leaders.” Especially in the beginning, Agenda’s founding members’ personal contacts were crucial to recruiting both the journal’s initial contributors and its readership. This may have limited the diversity of its editors and authors, thereby benefiting some at the expense of others. What’s more, next to its largely volunteer editorial staff, Agenda has never paid authors, and the journal’s dependence on volunteer labor was of no help to those already disadvantaged.

Though the journal committed to featuring Black women on its covers, women of color were largely underrepresented in the journal’s by-lines. The editorial collective did make efforts to reach out to marginalized women, provide writing workshops, and accept a variety of text forms, from poetry to personal essays to interviews, in order to include more authors without academic training. However, the journal’s photographic representation of Black South African women still far outweighs the representation of Black South African women who contributed as authors or editors.

“…the journal’s photographic representation of Black South African women still far outweighs the representation of Black South African women who contributed as authors or editors.”

To examine the history of Agenda is to examine a complex history of tensions and contradictions in South African feminism and the anti-apartheid movement, which was not broadly understood as a feminist issue among ANC-affiliated organizations. For Agenda’s editorial collective, there also was no such thing as feminism without organizing—but organizing meant something very specific. By focusing on the work of increasingly mainstream, professionalized organizations, Agenda misses the more radical, messy, grassroots, or even hidden efforts by both individuals and smaller or less prominent activist groups.

From this perspective, the answer to the question of ‘whose Agenda’ the journal actually represents becomes clearly discernible: it is the Agenda of women who already had an agenda, at a time when the freedom to formulate and promote one’s agenda was a privilege. It is this privilege that never truly gets questioned or challenged.

Carolyn Kerchof is a writer and designer currently based in Boulder, Colorado, USA. The main focus of her creative work is community building through collaborative print periodicals, particularly in elder care contexts.

This text was produced as part of the L.i.P. workshop, and has previously been published in the Feminist Findings zine.

CFP: Agenda Special Issue on Southern Feminisms | H-Africa

Please submit abstracts to [email protected] or [email protected] No later than 18 March 2019.

See more info:

Agenda has been at the forefront of feminist publishing in South Africa for the past 30 years and raises debate around women’s rights and gender issues. The journal is designed to promote critical thinking and debate and aims to strengthen the capacity of both men and women to challenge gender discrimination and injustice. The Agenda journal is an IBSS/SAPSE accredited and peer-reviewed journal.

GUEST EDITORS: Prof. Deirdre Byrne and Dr. Z’étoile Imma

Conceptual Rationale:
Gender politics in the twenty-first century have been marked by a proliferation of descriptives that precede the word feminism– neoliberal feminism, intersectional feminism, consumerist feminism, imperial feminism, trans*feminisms, digital feminisms, etc.

The call to qualify yet another may not be a feminist priority, however, as the fracturing of feminisms continues (as this list makes evident), this special issue is an attempt to recalibrate our attention to the feminist theorizing and praxis emerging from and centering the South.

While Southern Feminisms may be a straightforward synonym for feminisms of the Global South, locating the South is not a practice of mere geography. The terminology of the Global South is itself predicated on debates around history, power, borders, centers, and peripheries. The where and who of the Global South as it relates to feminism needs further study.

Indeed, for this special issue, we are invested in exploring the sites where the traditional mapping of the North/South axis might be complicated by transnational flows of activism and knowledge. Such flows might include the lives and work of feminists working in poor Black communities in Alabama; Sudanese migrant women demanding full inclusion in Sydney; lesbian and trans activists in South Africa drawing on the demands of “Black Lives Matter” for their movements; and intersectional gender activists in the US learning from the #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall movements in South African higher education. If the Global South as a term indeed describes the “spaces and peoples negatively impacted by contemporary capitalist globalization” (Mahler 2018), how might thinking through the capacious possibilities within Southern Feminisms lead us to differently conceptualize the shifting locations of gendered violence, precarity, and vulnerability?

On the other hand, definitional debates should not obscure how the local in the global South matters materially and ideologically for many women and gender non-conforming people in the postcolonial contemporary. Drawing from their postcolonial standpoints, feminist critics and gender studies stalwarts from Oyèrónkẹ́ Oyèwùmí to Chandra Talpade Mohanty, have warned us of the dangers of generalizing gender as a category across space and time.

Given the sharpest edge of their interventions pointed towards white feminist saviour-scholars who engaged in a consistent erasure of Black and brown women’s embodied experiences, intellectual production, and radical feminist activism, we agree that a feminist “theorizing from the south requires both a divestment from the usual business of intellectual extraction that positions the global South as source of unprocessed data or ethnographic case study”(Piedalue and Rishi 2017). However, Mohanty, Oyèwùmí, Zine Magubane, Violet E. Barriteau, Pumla D. Gqola, and Mrinalini Chakravorty (for example), have demonstrated the ways in which feminists of colour can also reify single stories of women’s oppression. This leads to muzzling the particular and complex shapes of marginalization experienced – and resistance expounded – by different social formations of women and gender-nonconforming folk.

Furthermore, with the mainstreaming of women’s issues, intersectionality, and transnational feminism as a discourse in the South and North, how might we better redistribute our feminist resources, moving away from a primary focus on the digital savvy stories of highly exceptional and/or respectable women of colour toward a more inclusive analysis of Southern “everyday” feminists?

If the specificities of the caste/gender matrix as a force of domination in the lives of poor Dalit women and gender-nonconforming people in India, for example, do not travel with the same facility as the #metoo movement in India’s film industry does, how do we engage in practices that build sustainable connections beyond superficial and short-term performances of care? Which Southern-centered feminist theories, imaginaries, and visions for a liberated future will inspire and inform us as we do this difficult work?

Southern feminisms in conversation across and within national borders need to be theorized within an intersectional analysis of how class, race, caste, gender/sexual identity, and location shape the stakes of our scholarship and attempts at coalition. African feminisms are, despite ongoing marginalization from the North, well poised to offer readings of the limits and possibilities of solidarity as a Southern feminist praxis, given the historically transnational contours and continental expanse of feminist epistemologies from Africa.

No other feminist project has been as intentionally and self-reflectively transnational as African feminisms. Across the Atlantic, Latin American and Caribbean, feminist activist-scholars have fostered intraregional dialogue and survived ideological fissures in a series of conferences, Encuentros Feministas Latinoamericanas y del Caribe, that have continued to generate productive transborder feminist networks for over forty years (Alvarez et al 2003). Despite these contributions, editors of the recent Feminist Theory special issue on Southern feminisms, Raewyn Connell and Celia Roberts, argue that the global knowledge economy continues to privilege of Northern feminist theory. In fact, there is a long and august history of feminist thought and activism in the Global South that is simply not recognized in the global North and West. The colonial hegemonies which undergird academic Eurocentric feminism have been profoundly deconstructed and challenged by scholars from the South. Thus, we propose that Southern feminisms can benefit from a critical turn away from a Northern orientation, by analyzing African feminist contributions to Southern feminist thinking, as well as examining the impacts and legacies of Third World feminist movements, which several decades ago championed forms of radical anti-militarist and anti-capitalist South-to-South alliances that are pertinent in the context of state capture, carceral cultures, war economies, and climate imperialism today.

In seeking Southern feminist practitioners, we might turn with heavy hearts to feminist Marielle Franco, whose murder last year inspired an outpouring of rage and grief in Southern feminist communities.

Mourning Franco gave voice to long-standing, and catalyzed newly emergent, South-to South and global Black feminist solidarities. Franco’s intersectional-driven feminist activism for the rights of poor, marginalized, and non-normative communities in Brazil served as a reflection for the work many Southern feminists have been charged with for decades, while her murder served a grim reminder of the dangers of feminist work in many of our Southern homelands. Our collective grief for Franco was increasingly echoed throughout the Global South as the list of trans people, feminists, and woman human rights defenders of colour who were either murdered or have disappeared, tragically precedes and follows her burial. Facing the stark reality of multi-pronged violence against us while drawing strength from our feminist ancestors, the project of building the efficacy and archiving the legacy of Southern feminisms becomes a political imperative.

For this special issue of Agenda, the editors posit that there are as many feminisms in the Global South as there are contexts.

We welcome abstracts on any of the following topics:

● How might Third World feminists organizations, coalitions, collaborations, and failed solidarities of late twentieth century inform contemporary Southern feminist thought and practices?
● How do migrations, diasporas, borders, and incarceral states shape Southern feminist theory and praxis?
● How do the politics of difference, race, and anti-Blackness complicate Southern feminist solidarities?
● What is the relationship between global LBGTI rights movements and Southern feminisms?
● How have girls, girl-centered activism, girlhood studies contributed to Southern feminist futurities?
● What intergenerational tensions and fissures mark Southern feminisms?
● How has celebrity mobilised the mainstreaming of Southern feminisms?
● What emergent digital venues serve as a tool and site for Southern feminisms?
● How do Southern feminist navigate an increasingly NGO-driven and often Northern-funded civil society?
● How is affect –grief, rage, joy, and/or desire – a productive tool for building Southern feminisms?
● How do Southern feminisms articulate and draw from indigenous epistemologies and knowledge technologies?
● How do Southern feminisms attempt to decolonise the Southern (and Northern) academy?
● How do popular discourses of healing, self-care, choice, and pleasure impact and/or produce (new) Southern feminist activism?
● In what ways is environmental injustice, climate imperialism, and disaster capitalism propelling and catalyzing Southern feminisms?
● How do feminisms in and of the South differ from, and overlap with, feminisms in the North and West?


Alvarez, Sonia E., et al. “Encountering Latin American and Caribbean Feminisms.” Signs, vol. 28, no. 2, 2003, 537–579.
Barriteau, Violet Eudine. “Issues and Challenges of Caribbean Feminisms.” Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity, no. 58, 2003, 37–44.
Chakravorty, Mrinalini. In Stereotype: South Asia in the Global Literary Imaginary. New York: Columbia University Press, 2014.
Roberts, Celia, and Raewyn Connell. “Feminist Theory and the Global South.” Feminist Theory, vol. 17, no. 2, Aug. 2016, 135–140.
Gqola Pumla Dineo. “How the ‘Cult of Femininity’ and Violent Masculinities Support Endemic Gender Based
Violence in Contemporary South Africa.” African Identities, 5:1, 2007,111-124.
Magubane, Zine. “Spectacles and Scholarship: Caster Semenya, Intersex Studies, and the Problem of Race in Feminist Theory.” Signs, vol. 39, no. 3, 2014, 761–785.
Mahler, Anne Garland. “Global South.” Oxford Bibliographies in Literary and Critical Theory, ed. Eugene O'Brien. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017.
Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses.” Boundary 2, 12/13, 1984, 333–358.
Oyěwùmí, Oyèrónké. The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997.
Piedalue, Amy and Susmita Rishi. “Unsettling the South through Postcolonial Feminist Theory.” Feminist Studies, vol. 43, no. 3, 2017, 548–570.

Contributors are invited to submit manuscripts on the above topic from the point of view either of researchers or activists. Abstracts and contributions must be written in English and in a style accessible to a wide audience. Please submit abstracts to [email protected] or [email protected]

No later than 18 March 2019

Agenda has been at the forefront of feminist publishing in South Africa for the past 30 years and raises debate around women’s rights and gender issues. The journal is designed to promote critical thinking and debate and aims to strengthen the capacity of both men and women to challenge gender discrimination and injustice. The Agenda journal is an IBSS/SAPSE accredited and peer-reviewed journal.

South Africa journals | Stanford Libraries

See also African Journals and Magazines | SABINET Open Access Journal Collection – Over 40 South African journals with free full text online

Africa Geographic (Cape Town, South Africa)
Published by Black Eagle Pub. Online site of the print magazine. Lists article contents. On wildlife conservation, natural history. Also publishes Africa Birds & Birding magazine.

Africa South of the Sahara: Selected Internet Resources – Journals
An annotated directory of journals and newsletters on and from Africa.

African Communist (Johannesburg)
Ceased. Published by Inkululeko Publications, Johannesburg. Quarterly journal of the South African Communist Party. Some full text issues are online. Communist
[Stanford students note the library has print issues from 1959; see Socrates.]

African Invertebrates. A journal of biodiversity (Pietermaritzburg, South Africa)
Published by the Council of the Natal Museum. “peer-reviewed….. covers the taxonomy, systematics, biogeography, biology, ecology, conservation and palaeontology of Afrotropical invertebrates…” Table of contents/abstracts online. Subscription required to read articles. History of the journal (10 p. in PDF).

African Journal of AIDS Research (Grahamstown, South Africa)
Published by the Centre for AIDS Development, Research and Evaluation (CADRE), Rhodes University. Journal on the social dimensions of HIV/AIDS in African contexts. Abstracts are online. Purchase articles thru African Journals Online. NISC provides full text articles through subscribers using Ingenta. [KF] and

African Journal of Information and Communication (Johannesburg, South Africa)
Published by the University of the Witwatersrand, Learning Information Networking and Knowledge (LINK) Centre, Graduate School of Public and Development Management. Articles on academic research, copyright, digital divide, open access publishing, etc.
Articles include – “Access to Africa’s knowledge: Publishing development research and measuring value” – Eve Gray. About how the citation databases exclude African scholars’ articles as their journals are not indexed by Western databases.

African Journals On-Line
Tables of contents and abstracts of articles from up to 314 journals from 24 African countries. Many full text articles are on-line. Topics cover arts, culture, language, literature, agricultural sciences, science and technology, health and social sciences. A keyword Search covers all journals. Sign up to receive an automatic email every time a new issue is published in any selected title. Began as a pilot project of the International Network for the Availability of Scientific Publications (London), now an independent non profit, based in South Africa.  [KF]

African Mining (Roosevelt Park, South Africa)
Bimonthly begun Jan. 1996 by Resource Publications. Covers the continent, has the recent tables of contents.

African Security Review (Pretoria)
Quarterly journal of the Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria, South Africa. Has the table of contents for recent issues and some full text articles from older issues.

African Studies
Originally from Witwatersrand University Press, covers history, sociology, politics.  Began in 1921 as Bantu Studies. Has the tables of contents. Now published by Carfax Publishing Ltd. in the UK. Cost is $134 for libraries. [KF]

African Zoology (Pretoria)
Journal published by the Zoological Society of Southern Africa. There is a subscription only site at SABINET. See also full text issues of their newsletter, Aardvark. Based in South Africa. [KF]

Articles, mainly on South African, economy, arts, music. For the affluent South African. Affiliated with Kaya FM. Based in South Africa.

Agenda (Durban, South Africa)
Quarterly South African feminist journal. Has the table of contents, selected full text articles, and a history of the magazine. Had an e-mail factsheet.

AIDS Analysis Africa Online
Free full text articles from 2004 April-May to date.”bi-monthly electronic newsletter focusing on the wide-ranging impact of HIV and AIDS on Africa.” You can subscribe for free. Published by Metropolitan Holdings. Based in South Africa.

Alternation (Durban, South Africa)Alternation is an interdisciplinary journal for the study of the arts and humanities in Southern Africa. The table of contents are online. Has a book review index, author index, table of contents index.

Amandla (Cape Town, South Africa)
“…bi-monthly magazine and website project that aims to promote discussion and debate towards a new left and anti-capitalist politics in South Africa and Southern Africa” Full text articles online. Includes articles by Tariq Ali, Patrick Bond, Mazibuko Jara and others. Has an obituary for Neville Alexander.

ANC Today
A weekly e-journal from the African National Congress, with a column by President Mbeki.

Art South Africa (Cape Town)
Print magazine on contemporary South African art. Table of contents. A few full text articles. On “the intersection of art with fashion, architecture, design, performance, music, film and digital media.” Won a 2004 South African Mondi Magazine Award. Published quarterly by Brendon and Suzette Bell-Roberts of Bell-Roberts Publishing, Cape Town, South Africa. [KF]

ArtThrob, Contemporary Art in South Africa
An electronic art magazine. Art news, exhibitions, features on artists, links to web sites, etc.

The Big Issue (Cape Town)
Website of the print entertainment, popular culture magazine. Has excerpts from articles such as gay Cape Town, selling of crocodiles, an interview with a former death row warder. The magazine is sold in South Africa by the homeless. [KF]

Black Sash, 1960-1990 (later called Sash)
The Digital Imaging Project of South Africa, DISA, is digitizing South African periodicals for free online access. Full text articles. “a detailed record of the activities of the Black Sash organisation: the petitions, protests, marches, vigils, press releases and Conference papers which reflect the modus operandi of their desire to bring about change in the legislation which was, in their opinion, discriminatory and the cause of untold human suffering, hardship and poverty.” [KF]
[Stanford Students Please Note. Stanford has Black Sash print issues for 1959-1965,1967-1992, 1995 Jan.]

Bua Magazine:: a quarterly magazine for government communicators
Pretoria: Government Communication and Information System. Concerns media issues. Full text issues in Adobe PDF; takes a while to load.

Cape Business News
Monthly newsletter. Has a business directory and a trade enquiries section where businesses can seek South African vendors/suppliers. Established in 1980 as a business newspaper for the Cape.

Chimurenga Chronic
Print and online journal. “…writing, art and photography that is open, plural, and inflected by the workings of power, innovation, creativity and resistance” Based in Cape Town, South Africa.

Chimurenga Magazine (Cape Town)
A quarterly, international(ist) revue of new writing and imaging on African arts cultures, politics. “We seek unconventional essays, memoirs, reviews, poetry, short stories and forms not listed here (and nowhere else) in all South African languages plus French and Portuguese. Has the table of contents, includes online articles not in the print edition, an events calendar. Web site hosted on the Panafrican Market.

Clarion Call (Inkatha), 1983-1990
The Digital Imaging Project of South Africa, DISA, is digitizing South African periodicals for free online access. Full text articles are in gif format. “published as the official journal of the KwaZulu Government and Inkatha” – “a liberation movement committed to non-violence, peaceful change and a negotiated future for South Africa.”
[Stanford Students Note. Stanford has print issues of Clarion Call for v.1:no.9 (1984:Apr.) – 1991:Nov.]

South African Journal for Communication Theory & Research, Univ. of South Africa. Selected articles (South African paradigm shifts and the communications revolution) at the UNISA Press site :

Conflict Trends (Durban, South Africa)
Full text articles online. Published by the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). Issues have focused on democracy, Nigeria, water issues, mercenaries in Africa, Southern Africa, conflict resolution. [KF]

Constitution News
A newsletter from the “ANC Constitutional Commission to keep ANC, Alliance, and MDM structures in touch with the constitution-making process.” Has the full-text of issues from No. 1, March 13, 1995 to No. 7, Sept. 30, 1996. [KF]

Critical Arts (Durban, South Africa)
Published by Taylor & Francis. Formerly by Culture, Communication and Media Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa. Table of contents. Full text of 1980-1992 issues is online, from Michigan State University.

Current Writing: Text and Reception in Southern Africa
A journal devoted to southern African writing (including works produced in exile). Has the table of contents from Vol. 1, 1989 to date. Includes an online subscription form. Based at the University of Natal, Durban. [KF]

De Arte
Journal of the Dept. of Art History & Fine Arts, Univ. of South Africa. The full-text of selected articles from 1994 + issues. The July 1994 issue has an article on violin fraud in South Africa. UNISA Press site:

De Rebus
SA Attorneys’ Journal. Full text articles. Links to related law sites.

Development Southern Africa (Sandton, South Africa)
Published by the Development Bank of Southern Africa. Has the table of contents. Libraries pay US$198 per year. Published by Carfax / Taylor & Francis.

Full text articles of two issues from the Univ. of South Africa’s Dept. of Communication newsletter. Articles on the media, journalists in South Africa. In English and Afrikaans.

Digital Imaging Project of South Africa, DISA
Over forty periodicals covering the growth of opposition to apartheid rule, 1960-1990, are online.
Full text titles include: Abasebenzi, Afra Newsletter, African Communist, Africanist News and Views, Amandla-Matla, Apdusa Views, Arise! Vukani!, Black Review, Clarion Call, Congress Resister, Cosatu News, Crisis News, Critical Health, Dawn, Democracy in Action, East Cape Update, Fosatu Worker News, Frank Talk, Grassroots, Ikwezi, Inqaba ya Basebenzi, Isisebenzi, Isizwe, Izwi lase Township Journal of Black Theology, Mayibuye, NUM News, Phakamani, Pro Veritate, Rixaka, Sash, SASO Newsletter, SASPU Focus, SASPU Nationa,l Sechaba, Speak, Speak Newspaper, TRAC Newsletter, Umsebenzi, Work in Progress.

Drum Magazine (from Afribeat)
The Afribeat website (which only works in Microsoft’s browser) has a short history of Drum magazine. From Ross Douglas Productions, Sandton,Gauteng, South Africa.

eAfrica. Electronic Journal of Governance and Innovation (Johannesburg)
Published by the South African Institute of International Affairs, Nepad and Governance project. Full text issues are online. Vol. 1, May 2003 in Adobe pdf. Receive issues by email.

Electronic Sesame
Journal of the Lional Abrahams Writers’ Workshop; has issues from No. 1, Dec. 1995.

Fast Facts (Johannesburg)
Published by the South African Institute of Race Relations. Full text articles online. Topics cover labour, agriculture, crime, HIV / AIDS, education, provincial profiles, opposition parties, black economic empowerment, energy, the budget, politics, etc. [KF]

Finance Week (Johannesburg)
Access for subscribers only.

Financial Mail
The online edition of this well-known South African business, economic, and political weekly magazine. Has a keyword search of the latest issue and all past issues from July 1995. “Non-FM Subscribers only have access to the past 4 issues.” Published by Times Media Ltd. who also publish Business Day. [KF] or

Frontiers of Freedom (Johanesburg)
Published by the South African Institute of Race Relations. Full text articles online. Topics cover political change, health, economics, land, the Truth Commission, racism / new racism, education, labour, immigrants, environment, media, housing, crime, etc. [KF]

Monthly newsletter of the Freedom Front political party. In Afrikaans and English.

Global Dialogue (Johannesburg, South Africa)
Published by the Institute for Global Dialogue, Johannesburg. Full text articles online. Topics: Angola, African debt crisis, WTO and Africa, intellectual property in biotechnology, Madagascar, NEPAD, Zambia, Nigeria, DRC, Uganda, HIV/AIDS, Zimbabwe, SADC, Sudan, Angola, trade, etc. Also interviews with Aziz Pahad and Nkosazana Zuma (foreign policy), the South African Minister of Intelligence, the South African Chief Justice, the Secretary-General of the South African Communist Party, Minister of Finance Trevor Manuel, and others. [KF]

Historia, Journal of the Historical Society of South Africa
Has the table of contents, abstracts and full text articles. Based at the Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, Vanderbijlpark, South Africa.

Indicator South Africa
Full text of the latest issue, an index to issues, executive summaries of contents from some past issues. Tables of contents, sample articles from the excellent reports and books from the University of Natal journal on politics, economics, industry, society, development.

Indilinga African Journal of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (Pietermaritzburg, South Africa)
Published by New Dawn Publishers, Pietermaritzburg. Full text abstracts free. Full text articles require subscription. Libraries pay $30 for 2 issues per year. See also the African Journals Online site.

Innovation, A journal for appropriate librarianship and information work in Southern Africa (Pietermaritzburg)
Has the tables of contents and one full-text article for each issue from Number 18. From the University Library, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa. [KF]

Italian Studies in Southern Africa
Journal from the Univ. of South Africa, Pretoria. Includes the article, “A proposito di Mal d’Africa”.

Journal for Transdiciplinary Research in Southern Africa, TD
“TD is an international transdisciplinary journal for research in all fields of scientific endeavour. It is published and edited in the Vaal Triangle Faculty of Northwest University in South Africa.” Full text articles. Web edition of the print journal. [KF]

Journal of African Elections (Johannesburg)
Print journal published by EISA, Electoral Institute of Southern Africa. “an interdisciplinary biannual publication of research and writing in the human sciences, which seeks to promote scholarly understanding of electoral developments and democratic change in Africa.” Subscribers to the SABINET SA ePublications may have online full text access. [KF]

Journal of Southern African Studies
Information on submitting articles, subscribing, editorial board members and their affiliations. The tables of contents for current and past issues. Has an announcements email list. Subscription for libraries is US $465.00 per year (4 issues). Subscribers have online access.

Juluka (Palos Verdes, CA)
Print newsletter “for those interested in South Africa.” “read about South African recipes, products, gossip, travel, politics and the rainbow cultcha in every issue.” Index of past issues. No table of contents or online issues. Published in Palos Verdes, California. [KF]

Kleio (Unisa, South Africa)
Kleio has been superseded by African Historical Review. Annual journal, published by UNISA Press [University of South Africa]. Has the full text online of Nos. 31-34, 1999-2002. “articles published in this journal are wide-ranging and not confined to South African history. It also serves as a forum for the publication of articles by honours and MA students on a wide range of subjects such as political, engineering, environmental and gender issues.”

Kronos: Journal of Cape History=Tydskrif vir Kaaplandse Geskiedenis
“…published annually by the University of the Western Cape Institute for Historical Research. It is a forum for the presentation and discussion of original research relating primarily to Cape history from pre-colonial times to the present.” Has the table of contents.

Land and Rural Digest (Doornfontein, South Africa)
“Our business is empowering rural people.” Has the table of contents. Published by the Environmental and Development Agency Trust.

Legal Brief Today
Daily subscription based e-newsletter with news of the legal profession in South Africa. See also the free weekly Legalbrief Africa, with legal and constitutional news from the continent and the subscription based weekly, eLaw & Management, on technology and the law. Legalbrief Africa is sponsored by the International Bar Association. Has links to legal sites. Based in Durban, South Africa. [KF]

A literary journal, primarily in Afrikaans, published at Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir Christelike Hoër Onderwys,Bureau for Scholarly Journals, Potchefstroom, South Africa.

Full text issues of the African National Congress monthly journal from 1967 to 1994. On the DISA, Digital Innovation South Africa site. 1995-1997 is on the ANC web site. and

Military History Journal (Kengray, South Africa)
Has the tables of contents of the Journal and the full text of selected articles, pub. by the South African National Museum of Military History in assoc. with the South African Military History Society. The site also has issues of the Society’s national and branch newsletters from 1997, and links to Southern African military history web sites. [KF]

Mining Weekly
News on the mining industry, mainly South Africa. Includes telecommunications news, company profiles, conferences, business leader profiles, cartoons. Based in Bedfordview, South Africa. [KF]

Missionalia (Menlo Park, South Africa)
Journal of the Southern African Missiological Society (SAMS). Has a selection of past articles online.

Monday Paper
Weekly newspaper from the University of Cape Town. Describes events, research at the university. Published by UCT’s Dept. of  Communication.

Nasionale Pers (Naspers)
Magazines and Newspapers published by the Naspers company, publisher of the Die Burger newspaper. HTTP://

National Research Foundation (South Africa)
Locate journals published in South Africa and worldwide through the Nexus database. Click on Periodical Submissions.

NEHAWU, National, Education, Hdealth and Allied Workers Union (Johannesburg)
Magazine of the South African trade union founded in 1987, affiliated to COSATU. Claims to be the biggest public sector union. [KF]

New Contrast (Cape Town)
Website for the literary journal (founded in 1960 as Contrast). The print journal has published many of South Africa’s most distinguished writers and is indexed by the MLA international bibliography. [KF]

Nomina Africana (Pietermaritzburg, South Africa)
“…official journal of the Names Society of Southern Africa (NSA)….an accredited, refereed journal published twice annually…”. Table of contents of issues from Vol. 1, 1987. “Articles on any names-related subject are welcome, and submissions are not limited to members of the NSA.” Based at the Onomastic Studies Unit, University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg.

Noseweek (Cape Town, South Africa)
Monthly print magazine. “South Africa’s only investigative magazine….. features irreverent, independent, inside information about business, the professions, politics and society in South Africa.” Table of contents online. Full text requires a subscription.

On Trial
Journal of law students at the Univ. of Cape Town. The full text of the April and July 1995 issues is online.

Optima (Johannesburg)
Full text of Vol. 50, No. 2, May 1004. 100 pages (see navigation arrows at the bottom of the page). Published by the Anglo American Corporation of South Africa.

Outright (Cresta, South Africa)
Site only works in Microsoft Internet Explorer. “…a fashion and life style magazine for gay, lesbian, bisexual…people of all races…”

Die Perdeby
Official weekly newspaper of the University of Pretoria. In English and Afrikaans.

Philosophical Papers (Grahamstown, South Africa)
Published by Rhodes University. Department of Philosophy. Has abstracts of recent issues. Full text access is by subscription only. [KF]

Politeia, Journal for the Political Sciences
Published by UNISA Press (Univ. of South Africa). Has the table of contents (1995 to date ) and some full-text articles on political affairs in South Africa and other countries (Niger, Uganda, etc.) 1995-2002 full text online articles. Articles from 2003 are online only to subscribers through SA ePublications from SABINET. [KF]

Politikon, South African Journal of Political Studies
“…focuses primarily on South African politics, but not exclusively so.” The official journal of the South African Political Studies Association. Published by Carfax Publishing Ltd. (U.K.) Libraries pay $213 per year.

postamble (Cape Town)
Multidisciplinary e-journal publishing original postgraduate work. Based at the Center for African Studies, University of Cape Town. A peer-reviewed journal edited by an editorial committee of students and academic staff from the Faculty of Humanities, UCT.

Pretexts: Literary and Cultural Studies
Based at the University of Cape Town. Has the table of contents. Volume 7, Number 2, Nov. 1998, p. 24 contained “When Does a Settler Become a Native? The Colonial Roots of Citizenship” by Mahmood Mamdani. “Essays on literature, film, television and the visual arts, essays which interrogate the discourses of race, gender and history and indeed all work which deals with the politics of representation are welcomed.” [KF]

Pro Veritate (Christian Institute of Southern Africa) , 1962-1977
The Digital Imaging Project of South Africa, DISA, is digitizing thirty-five South African periodicals for free online access. Full text articles are in gif format. Journal “relating to the Christian standpoint in the face of the anti-apartheid regime.” Stanford Library Holdings: Hoover Library has: [1-16, 1963-77] [KF]

RDP Development Monitor (Craighall, South Africa)
Academic journal on the Reconstruction and Development Programme. Has selected full text articles.

Religion & Theology
Selected articles from 1995-1996 issues (ex. – Biblical hermeneutics: an Afrocentric perspective) at the UNISA Press site:

Rhodes Journalism Review
Published by the Department of Journalism & Media Studies, Rhodes University, Grahamstown. Has some full text articles such as “How Pagad treats the media sisters.”

Runner’s World South Africa
A handful of articles from the print magazine. Has a schedule of South African running events.

SA City Life (Cape Town)
Site for the print monthly entertainment magazine. Has letters to the editor, small discussion board.

SADC Barometer (Johannesburg)
Published by the South African Institute of International Affairs. Full text issues on-line. Topics covered include trade, transport, regional integration, HIV / AIDS, the food crisis, women’s empowerment in Southern Africa. Includes maps, charts. Receive issues by email.

SAePublications (Centurion, South Africa)
SABINET Online provides, through subscription, full text access to South African journals. Articles are indexed by keyword, broad subject, author(s), and title. A list of the journals is available. It has “the tables of contents of more than 500 South African journal publications dating back to 1988.” [KF]

Safundi (Scottsdale, Arizona)
“…an online journal of American and South African comparative studies. This website intends to provide a forum of discussion for scholars and an intellectual public on both American and South African cultures, literature, media, and politics.” One can read articles on South African politics, culture, education and post comments about them. Maintained by Andrew Offenburger. Based in Scottsdale, Arizona.[Stanford users, please use this Safundi link.] [KF]

Screen Africa (Strathavon South Africa)
Monthly news magazine for the South African film, television, video, radio and multimedia industry. Selected articles are online. Has a weekly email newsletter, an extensive directory covering film production, community radio, recording studios, and more, a personal managers association directory to find actors, singers, dancers. In Production is a directory of all the productions in development, pre-, post- and completed in South Africa. [KF]

scrutiny 2, Issues in english studies in southern africa is a journal from the Department of English, Univ. of South Africa, Pretoria. Has some articles from Volume 1 (1/2) 1996 (for ex. – Research in a funding jungle: The South African research accreditation system). [KF]

Electronic edition of the South African Police Service magazine.

1995-1997 issues of the bi-monthly journal of the Congress of South African Trade Unions, COSATU.

Small Arms Proliferation and Africa (Pretoria)
Ceased publication. A newsletter of the Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria, South Africa. 1997-2000 issues are online.

Social Dynamics
Bi-annual journal of the University of Cape Town, Centre for African Studies, Cape Town. Has the table of contents.

Society in Transition
Published by the South African Sociological Association Based at the Department of Sociology, Rand Afrikaans University, P.O. Box 524, Auckland Park, 2006, South Africa. Has the table of contents. See also the Association’s SASA Newsletter (issues online).[KF]

South African Geographical Journal/Die Suid-Afrikaanse Geografiese Tydskrif
Journal of the Society of South African Geographers. Has the table of contents and many full-text articles. Published twice annually.

South African Historical Journal
Published by the Southern African Historical Society, SAHS. “In 2005 the Southern African Historical Society was formally founded with the change of name from the South African Historical Society, established in 1965.” See also the former SAHS website.

South African Journal of Animal Science
Official journal of the South African Society of Animal Science (SASAS). Site has full text articles, in Adobe .pdf format. Based in Pretoria, South Africa.

South African Journal of  Economic History (UNISA, South Africa)
Published by the Economic History Society of Southern Africa. Has the table of contents from Volume 1(1), September 1986 and abstracts of articles. Old web site.

South African Journal of Economics (Lynnwood Ridge, South Africa)
Published by the Economic Society of South Africa. Has the table of contents and abstracts for recent issues and an online subscription form in Adobe pdf. Full text access to the online version requires a subscription. [KF]

South African Journal of Musicology (Durban)
“Articles on South African and other musics; reviews of books, scores, software and multimedia products, and recordings; conference reports and other news.” Has the table of contents and abstracts for articles. Based at the University of Natal, Durban, South Africa.

South African Journal of Photography (Pretoria, South Africa)
“…an open source publication that is aimed at producing a direct and non-bias reflection of the fine art photographic market in South Africa.” Professional photographers who are members display their work. Exhibitions calendar.

South African Journal of Science (Pretoria)
Published by the Academy of Science of South Africa. Access by subscription. Free copies of the June 2000 Special Issue on HIV/AIDS are available on request.

South African Journal of Sports Medicine
Published by the South African Sports Medicine Association, the official body of physicians involved in South African Sport. Paid subscribers through SA ePublications can access full text online; also lists tables of contents. Individiual articles (2003-2004, 2005 No. 1) can be purchased from African Journals Online. [KF]

South African Journal on Human Rights (Wits)
Has the table of contents. Published by the Centre for Applied Legal Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg and Juta & Co, Cape Town.

South African Studies Database, 1987 to present – NISC BiblioLine
Citations to articles in South African journals. For Subscribers Only by IP filtering. [Stanford, and other subscribers, click on – “BiblioLine.  Subscribers click here for databases”]. Includes the Index to South African Periodicals, South African Theses and Dissertations. Citations can be emailed to you. A description of the 11 different databases in the South African Studies database is available. They offer certain databases free for 30 day trials. The National Information Services Corporation (NISC) is in Baltimore, Maryland. [KF]

Southern Africa Report (Johannesburg, South Africa)
The newsletter has closed. Political, economic news. Published by Raymond Louw.

Southern African Tourism Update
Monthly newspaper for SATSA, the Southern African Tourism and Services Association. “….targeted at informing international tour organisers and travellers about facilities and developments in the Southern African Tourism Region.” Has issues from 1998 +. Site links to Travel Southern Africa, another travel publication.

Southscan (London)
E-version of the respected print bulletin of Southern African affairs. Has contents listing for recent issues and contents lisitng for issues from 1994 + Full text is only available on subscription; some universities subscribe.

Newsletter of the Governance programme of the Centre for Policy Studies, Johannesburg. Has the table of contents. The latest issue is online. Covers election, political party issues.

Theoria:: A Journal of Social and Political Theory (Pietermaritzburg)
A “multidisciplinary journal of social and political theory.” Has the table of contents. Published by Berghahn Books, New York, in association with the Faculty of Human and Management Sciences, University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa.

Tinabantu (Cape Town)
Journal of African National Affairs . Pub. by the Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society, Cape Town, South Africa. Has the table of contents.

Track Two
Quarterly of the Centre for Conflict Resolution, University of Cape Town. Has full text articles from the latest issues.

[Subscribers to Project Muse have full text issues online.] Quarterly journal from the University of Natal, Durban, on “current social, political and economic issues in Southern Africa.” Has some full text issues and the table of contents with short biographical information on the authors. Issue 25 has for ex. the full text of The RDP White Paper: Reconstruction of a Development Vision? by Asghar Adelzadeh and Vishnu Padayachee. [KF]

Print and online magazine of the African National Congress. The full text from issue No. 1 to the latest issue is online. Topics covered include the ANC leadership, women’s movement, alliance with COSATU, SACP, Zimbabwe – South Africa relations, etc. [KF]

Journal of the South African Communist Party. The SACP has 2002 to date online.  The full text of 1985-1990 issues are online from the Digital Imaging Project of South Africa, DISA. [KF] Online&year=2011 and

University of South Africa Press. Lists their journals and has the tables of contents of some issues.

Urban Forum
Published by Transaction (New Jersey, USA). Table of contents. Subscribers can access full text online. Formerly pub. in South Africa. Editorial board based in South Africa. [KF]

Workers Solidarity
Magazine of the Workers Solidarity Federation (Johannesburg). Has full text articles. Hosted on the web site called Revolt (for Irish and international anarchist groups)

Zabalaza, A Journal of Southern African Revolutionary Anarchism
Full text issues online. Issues such as AIDS, the Zimbabwe land issue, GEAR from an anarchist perspective. Produced by the Bikisha Media Collective and the Zabalaza Action Group, based in Johannesburg and Durban. Web site based in London.[KF]

Between a rock and a hard place: COVID-19 and South Africa’s response | Journal of Law and the Biosciences

I. Introduction

In December 2019, a cluster of pneumonia cases was reported in China, which eventually led to the identification of the first case of COVID-19. Since then, COVID-19 has spread across Asia to Europe and through to the USA before the first case was reported in Egypt on February 14.1 Daily updates from the Africa Centres for Disease Control (Africa CDC) show that the number of recorded cases has risen daily with (as of June 18, 2020) 52 African Union Member States reporting 267,519 cases, 7197 deaths, and 122,661 recoveries.2 Together with Egypt and Algeria, South Africa was considered to be at the highest risk of the virus being imported and spreading with a moderate to high capacity to respond to an outbreak.3

South Africa’s National Institute of Communicable Diseases (NICD) reported its first confirmed case on March 5, 2020. Since then, the number of recorded cases has steadily increased, but not at the exponential rate that was initially expected.4 To date (June 16, 2020), 73,533 confirmed cases and 1568 deaths have been reported by the NICD. With the arrival of COVID-19, the initial advice to South Africans focused on regular hand washing and social distancing. However, the declaration of COVID-19 as a pandemic by the World Health Organization (WHO) on March 11, 2020, the global daily rise in reported cases, but crucially, the first case of community transmission in South Africa recorded, prompted President Cyril Ramaphosa and his government to act. Although the number of cases at the time remained relatively low (61 confirmed cases; 0 death), a national State of Disaster was declared on March 15, 2020, and a series of measures limiting the rights of South Africans were announced.

Decisive action was indeed necessary. South Africa is a deeply unequal society.5 Only 16 per cent of the South African population has access to medical aid,6 with most of its population relying on the public healthcare sector that is underresourced and poorly administered. In its 2016–2017 Annual Inspection Report, the Office of Health Standards reported that out of 851 public sector health establishments, 62 per cent of these were non-compliant with the norms and standards for healthcare quality. Areas of deficiencies identified included a lack of or poor leadership and management, knowledge, competencies, and support from senior staff.7 In addition, the South African healthcare system carries a significant burden of tuberculosis (TB), HIV, and HIV/TB co-infection, with millions of the population on immunosuppressant drugs as well as others who are HIV positive but not receiving treatment for HIV.8 There are concerns that those with these comorbidities are more susceptible to SARS-CoV2 infections and have a higher risk of developing severe COVID-19 disease.9 Data shows that the younger populations have also been affected more than in other parts of the world.10 COVID-19 has disrupted the provision of routine healthcare in other parts of the world and will likely similarly affect South Africa, including the delivery of South Africa’s routine chronic illnesses and its TB and HIV antiretroviral programs. South Africa’s already overstretched public healthcare system is thus unlikely to be able to withstand an explosion of COVID-19 cases, particularly when considering that better managed healthcare systems in some high-income countries (HICs) are overwhelmed. Preventing and containing the spread of COVID-19 in South Africa was thus a critical priority.

In drafting the government’s response to the virus, President Ramaphosa and his Cabinet had the opportunity to learn from the experiences of Asia and Europe that focused on social distancing, self-isolation, quarantine, testing, and lockdown. While such strategies have been proven effective in limiting and at times containing the spread of the virus, the socio-economic realities in South Africa limit their effectiveness. Public health strategies such as regular hand washing and social distancing that have proven to be effective in limiting the spread of the virus elsewhere are cheap preventive measures, but they are a privilege that many cannot afford in South Africa. Approximately 13 per cent of all households are located in informal settlements that are poorly structured, cramped, and at times lack access to running water.11 Self-isolation and quarantine are practically impossible in situations where several people share a bedroom or indeed for the estimated 200,000 people who are currently homeless in South Africa. A significant portion of the population relies on cramped and overcrowded public transport, with 69 per cent using public taxis, 20.2 per cent using buses, and 9.9 per cent using the trains.12 All of these factors highlight the impracticality of maintaining social distancing and challenges in ensuring good hygienic hand washing practices in these types of settings.13

Despite these socio-economic realities, South Africa’s COVID-19 response needed to focus on containing and slowing down the spread of the virus. It is unsurprising that the regulations promulgated under the State of Disaster mainly focused on severely limiting the freedom of movement and assembly of its citizens. It was clear from the outset that this would have a considerable economic impact, and on March 31, South Africa was downgraded to junk status with the South African Rand falling to a record low.14 President Ramaphosa was left with a choice of sacrificing the economy to slow the spread of the virus or putting the economy first and risk exposing an already weakened healthcare system and population suffering from other comorbidities to the virus. Faced with this choice, his decision to lockdown the country cannot be criticized and may prove decisive in containing and slowing down the spread of the virus. Considering the time it took to reach its borders, South Africa had time to prepare a COVID-19 response and draw on the importance of its community-informed response to other epidemics. However, despite the impact that these regulations were going to have on civil society, the lack of public deliberation and community engagement in developing these regulations is concerning. Furthermore, the criminalization of non-compliance with these public health measures seeks to undermine their aims, has the potential to increase stigma and discrimination of the disease, and fails to address the real issue: ensuring that the population has the means to comply with the regulations. Combined, these factors question whether South Africa has learned from its response to its HIV epidemic. In outlining the first month of South Africa’s COVID-19 response, this paper will critique the lack of engagement and the criminalization of non-compliance and discuss their potential impact.

II. National State of Disaster

On March 15, 2020, President Ramaphosa addressed the nation and announced a national State of Disaster. A State of Disaster is distinct from a State of Emergency. The power to declare a State of Emergency derives from Section 37 of the Constitution, and it must be declared within the terms of the State of Emergency Act 1997. It can only be declared when ‘the life of the nation is threatened by war, invasion, general insurrection, disorder, natural disaster or other public emergency’ and ‘the declaration is necessary to restore peace and order’. Upon declaration of a State of Emergency, certain rights under the Bill of Rights may be derogated from, with the exception of those non-derogable rights expressly contained within Section 37(5), which includes the rights to dignity, life, and a fair trial. A State of Emergency can only last for 21 days, unless the Parliament decides to extend this declaration by 3 months at a time. The first extension must be done by a majority of Parliament, and any subsequent extension requires the support of 60 per cent of Parliament. Any court within South Africa has the power to decide on the validity of the State of Emergency, an extension of the State of Emergency, or any regulations promulgated as part of the State of Emergency. Parliament and the courts thus clearly have a supervisory role under the State of Emergency. A partial State of Emergency was declared by President PW Botha in 1985 that extended to the entire country in 1986, permitting the then President to rule by decree, detain citizens without trial, restrict the freedom of movement, and give the police and military considerable powers, which continued until 1990. A State of Emergency has not been declared since the establishment of a democratic South Africa in 1994.

The Constitution does not make provision for the executive power to declare a State of Disaster. This is made possible through the Disaster Management Act 2002. This Act gives the relevant Minister the power to limit certain rights and freedoms within South Africa through the promulgating of regulations. A State of Disaster lasts for 3 months (unless it is terminated) and can be extended by the Minister 1 month at a time. Although rights may be limited, they cannot be derogated from, and any regulations promulgated must conform to the Bill of Rights. The courts can declare a State of Disaster invalid (and indeed the current State of Disaster was challenged and dismissed by the Constitutional Court15) or any regulations promulgated under the State of Disaster (on June 2 the regulations were struck down as unconstitutional16). Unlike the State of Emergency, there is no clear oversight role for Parliament in a State of Disaster. Parliament is not precluded from meeting during this time, but limitations on the freedom of assembly may affect the ability of Parliament to convene.

To meet the criteria under the 2002 Act for a ‘disaster’, there must be the presence of a disaster that is defined as a ‘progressive or sudden, widespread or localised, natural or human-caused occurrence which causes or threatens to cause death, injury or disease; damage to property, infrastructure or the environment; or disruption of the life of a community’. COVID-19 clearly falls within the definition of a disaster under the 2002 Act and on March 15, 2020, President Ramaphosa granted Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, the Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, the power to limit certain rights and freedoms within South Africa. A series of restrictions were announced on the same day, with further restrictions announced on March 23, 2020.17 Among others, the regulations criminalized the spread of disinformation, prohibited the sale and transportation of cigarettes and alcohol from midnight on March 26 for 3 weeks (that was further extended by 2 weeks on April 9, 202018), and controlled the prices of certain essential products. For the purposes of this article, we will focus on the restrictions to the freedom of movement and assembly.

III. Restrictions on the Freedom of Movement and Assembly

Strategies for containing the spread of COVID-19 that have been implemented elsewhere focus on social distancing, isolating, limiting the movement of citizens, and testing and quarantining of those who have tested positive. Such measures are at the heart of South Africa’s response. Initially gatherings were restricted to 100 individuals, and establishments that served alcohol could have no more than 50 individuals. As of midnight on March 26, all gatherings, including gatherings for prayer, were prohibited for 3 weeks, with the exception of funerals that were limited to 50 individuals. As of midnight on March 26, all but essential movement were prohibited for 3 weeks (and extended until April 31), in what is known locally as a lockdown. The leaving of a home was only permitted to buy essential goods, seek medical attention, buy medical products, collect social grants, attend a funeral of no more than 50 people, access public transport for essential services, or attend work that is deemed to be an essential service during specified times. The leaving of a house for exercise or to walk a dog was prohibited, and the movement between provinces and districts was prohibited. These restrictions were extended by a further 2 weeks on April 9, and the total ‘hard’ lockdown period lasted until April 30.

The regulations introduced also state that anyone who is suspected of having COVID-19 or has been in contact with a person who has tested positive for COVID-19 cannot refuse testing. If confirmed positive, they cannot refuse treatment, isolation, or quarantine. Similar provisions already exist in the Regulations Relating to the Surveillance and Control of Notifiable Medical Conditions gazetted in June 2017 under the National Health Act 2003. Under this regulation, if a person refuses to consent to the testing, treatment, isolation, or quarantine of a notifiable medical condition, the head of a provincial department can apply to the High Court to require the mandatory testing, treatment, isolation, or quarantine of that individual. Failure to comply may result in imprisonment not exceeding 12 years, a fine, or both. The COVID-19 regulations, however, go further, and while an application to the magistrate’s court for the mandatory testing, treatment, isolation, or quarantine is made, that person can be placed in isolation or quarantine for 48 hours. Furthermore, the power to make this application is vested in the hands of an ‘enforcement officer’, defined as including a member of the South African Police Service (SAPS), the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), a peace officer, and not the head of a provincial department.

Through the restrictions on movement and assembly, it was anticipated or expected that the transmission of the virus would be hindered. However, these restrictions extend beyond the restrictions on freedom of movement and assembly imposed under the apartheid government. Although these restrictions were introduced in response to a public health emergency and is a completely different context to apartheid, the restrictions on the freedom of movement in the lockdown period have been met with some apprehension. The CEO of the South African Human Rights, Tseliso Thipanyane, describes the measures introduced as similar to those associated with a State of Emergency and argues that President Ramaphosa was reluctant to use that term due to its association with apartheid.19 Considering the almost total limitation on the right of assembly (with the exception of a funeral) and the severe limitations on the freedom of movement, the effect of these measures is indeed more akin to a State of Emergency in the context of these rights. Furthermore, in the first week of April, South Africans learned of the government’s plan to decrease the population in 29 critically overcrowded information settlements across the country by relocating thousands of residents from their homes in an attempt to slow the spread of the coronavirus.20 Residents that opposed this relocation find it reminiscent of apartheid’s forced removal in 1968 of over 60,000 residents of Cape Town’s District Six area (after the apartheid government’s declaration of District Six as a whites-only area). Conditions at temporary camps for the duration of COVID-19 lockdown for 2000 homeless people to slow down the spread of the virus are a cause for concern. Many of these homeless people have said they have been forced to move to the temporary camps.21

The restrictions on freedom of movement are within the powers granted under the 2002 Act and in line with the World Health Organization (WHO) recommendations on curbing the spread of the virus. The declaration of a State of a Disaster and the subsequent regulations can be reviewed and declared invalid by a court, and the measures should conform to the Rule of Law. However, it is the reliance on the criminal law for non-compliance with the restrictions that we consider to be unnecessary and contrary to good public health policy, but also fails to consider the socio-economic realities for non-compliance.

IV. Criminalization of Public Health Measures: Potential Impacts

South Africa, and indeed Africa, is no stranger to epidemics. On August 8, 2014, the WHO declared a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) in response to the West Africa Ebola epidemic that went on for over 2 years. South Africa currently has a generalized HIV epidemic and is battling a TB epidemic, and considerable investment has gone into its prevention, testing, and treatment campaigns. While every epidemic is different, the importance of community engagement is clear in developing any response to an epidemic, and interventions that succeed are likely to be informed by the community. During the Ebola epidemic, the WHO guidance initially prohibited traditional burial practices for containment purposes, but these guidelines had to be changed and were modified in conjunction with the affected communities.22 South Africa similarly learned that prevention, testing, and treatment campaigns must involve the community and community-based services are essential in achieving results.23 Public engagement is thus essential at both a macro level in the formation of policy and at a micro level whereby community engagement can help support the implementation of policy.

At a macro level, any guidance must be contextualized to take account of local healthcare systems, beliefs, and traditions. For the COVID-19 measures to succeed, it is necessary to know what different communities need to meet these measures, and an important component is community engagement. South Africa should draw on its considerable experience in conducting community engagement to ensure that the regulations address COVID-19 and do not result in stigma and discrimination or disproportionately affect the poor and perpetuate health inequity. A community-centered response for COVID-19 is thus essential.24 While President Ramaphosa clearly stated in his March 2020 address to the nation that he consulted with business and industry, there appears to be a lack of consultation with those living in cramped informal settlements who will struggle to comply with these restrictive measures. The lockdown deprives those working in the informal sector from employment and access to a wage. Generally living hand to mouth, they are unlikely to have savings. Indeed, in the De Beer decision that held some of the lockdown regulations to be unconstitutional, the Court referred to the millions of informal workers who have lost their livelihood, forced to watch their children go hungry, and stripped of their ‘rights of dignity, equality, to earn a living and to provide for the best interests of her children’.25

Approximately 17 million South Africans rely on social grants as their only income, constituting one in five persons. Social grants take different forms and include a child support grant, disability grant, older person grant, foster care grant, relief of distress, and a care-dependency grant, among others afforded in terms of the Social Assistance Act 13 of 2004.26 However, with many more South Africans now left unemployed, there will be more within the family relying on these grants.27 While a number of relief measures aimed at mitigating the impact of the measures were announced, including an increase in some of the social grants, it is estimated that 45 per cent of South African workers are not eligible to access some of the funds that were made available.28

The South African government’s response is characterized by an overreliance on and faith in the power of the criminal law. This militarized response was very evident, with President Ramaphosa appearing in military fatigues on the night the lockdown started. Failure to comply with some of the lockdown restrictions may result in imprisonment of up to 6 months, a fine, or both. The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) has also been bestowed with additional powers. Under the 2002 Act, financial, human, and other resources may be released and directed toward the resolution of the disaster. During the March 23 address, President Ramaphosa announced that he had directed the SANDF to be deployed to support the SAPS. The presence of the military in enforcing the lockdown soon became a familiar scene in many streets across South Africa, and they quickly moved to enforce the regulations. An entire group of almost 50 wedding guests, including the bride and groom, were arrested in the first week of April for breaking the ban on public gatherings,29 and two doctors who tested positive for COVID-19 were forced into quarantine at a medical facility.30 However, on June 2, the North Gauteng High Court issued an order prohibiting government from forcing those who test positive for COVID-19 into state quarantine facilities if they are able to self-isolate. The High Court held that a person is ‘only required to be quarantined or isolated at a state facility, or other designated quarantine site, when that person is unable to self-isolate, or refuses to do so, or violates the self-quarantine or self-isolation rules’.31 Within the first few days of the lockdown, there were reports of the SANDF and SAPS using rubber bullets32 and allegations of abuse.33 Eight people were reported to have been killed by the police during the first week of the lockdown in enforcing the COVID-19 regulations, which at that time was more than the number of deaths related to the virus.34

It is not just the heavy handiness of the enforcement and the power given to the SAPS and SANDF that we take issue with but the regulations that have criminalized knowingly exposing and transmitting COVID-19 to others. The criminalization of the transmission of HIV, for example, is considered to be bad policy that is lacking in any evidence base and only serves to stigmatize the disease and discriminate against those who have it,35 leading to potential human rights abuses.36 In the context of pandemics, there is the concern that criminalization could have severe health-related effects on the population, undermine and exacerbate public health challenges caused by the pandemic,37 and have a devastating impact on already marginalized, stigmatized, or criminalized communities.38 South Africa fortunately resisted any attempts to criminalize HIV, but it is unclear why there has been a different response to COVID-19. Rather than incentivise citizens to get screened or tested for COVID-19 is likely to drive those who have or suspect they have COVID-19 underground.

Stigma reduction campaigns are essential in a COVID-19 response.39 Key to this is stopping the spread of disinformation. Here South Africa has a considerable experience from its HIV epidemic, as there is a history of false cures for HIV that include garlic, beetroot, and holy water, to name but a few.40 However, once again the emphasis is on the criminal law, as the spreading of disinformation (or fake news) on COVID-19 through any media, which includes social media, has been criminalized. While stopping the spread of disinformation is necessary, informing the public about the disease is essential. The South African government has opted to centralize the dissemination of information, requiring that all requests for information be directed to the NICD. Other experts in South Africa have been instructed not to talk to the press.41 As a result of this, the NICD is overwhelmed and unable to respond to many of the requests.

Furthermore, criticism of the national response has been met with public attacks rather than engagement with the concerns raised. When a phased relaxation of lockdown regulations was announced and various sets of contradicting and confusing rules were outlined by the respective portfolio ministers, various experts raised their concerns and expressed their opinions. Prof Glenda Gray, the president of the South African Medical Research Council (MRC) as well as COVID-19 ministerial advisory committee member, particularly came under fire when she criticized the government’s phased relaxation of lockdown approach as ‘nonsensical and unscientific’ to the media. This in turn led to the South African Health Minister, Dr Zweli Mkhize, to release a statement in response to Prof Gray’s public attack of government as well as a request an investigation of Gray’s conduct by the MRC. The investigation was later on dropped, and Prof Gray was cleared of any transgressions following the response and right of academic freedom outcry from the scientific community.42

Banning other suitably qualified experts from speaking with the press will only further limit the dissemination of reliable information, which is important in stopping the spreading of disinformation and combatting any stigma. These experts can provide much-needed up-to-date information on testing and treatment. There have been reports that employers are threatening to dismiss employees who cannot provide evidence that they do not have the virus.43 The South African Health Minister has rightly warned that such measures will likely lead to discrimination, but with none of the employees meeting the (then) testing criteria it exposes a lack of knowledge on this key issue. Testing is free in the public sector, but in the month since the first case was announced, the public National Health Laboratory Service (NHLS) only conducted 6000 tests in total despite projections that they will conduct 5000 tests per day. The rollout of mobile testing units on April 1, 2020, for mass community-based testing began to address this,44 but the reality is that 80 per cent of all tests have been conducted in private labs that charge between R900 ($47) and R1400 ($73) per test.45 As of June 16, a total number of 1,148,933 tests were conducted in both the public and private sectors, out of a population of 59.83 million.46

V. Conclusion

In some ways, South Africa was fortunate as it took almost 3 months for COVID-19 to arrive. President Ramaphosa and his Ministers had time to learn from the experiences of the differing responses in Asia, Europe, and the USA. The COVID-19 epidemic in South Africa was always going to play out against the backdrop of other epidemics necessitating quick and decisive action. However, there has been an overreliance on the criminal law in ensuring compliance and insufficient consideration of the socio-economic realities that sees a large segment of the South African population living in overcrowded informal settlements and who now have either no or limited access to employment or social support.

As South Africa entered its third week of lockdown, President Ramaphosa was left with a choice of lifting a lockdown that would likely result in the spread of a virus or extending the lockdown and measures that will disproportionately affect vulnerable populations, likely perpetuate inequality, and lead to a rise in intergenerational poverty. Ramaphosa’s choices left him between a rock and hard place with no good option to choose. His only hope is that he would make the least worst option. Time will tell whether a lockdown extension will be worth the inevitably devastating economic impact. This virus may not discriminate those that it infects, but the effects of the virus will be most felt on already marginalized and vulnerable populations in South Africa for some time to come.

Ciara Staunton is a Senior Lecturer in law at Middlesex University, London, and a Senior Researcher at the Centre for Biomedicine, Eurac Research, Italy. She is also an Honorary Research Associate at the Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Cape Town, and a Consultant to the South African National Health Laboratory Service. Her research focuses on the governance of new and emerging technologies, in particular stem cell research, genomic research, and biobanking. Ciara’s current research focuses on the sharing of health data for research, with a particular focus on Africa. She has been in receipt of grants from the Wellcome Trust, the National Institutes of Health, and the Irish Research Council and has been involved in the development of policy in Ireland, Bahrain, and Africa. She was previously a Post-doctorate Researcher at the Centre for Medical Ethics and Law, Stellenbosch University. During this time, she coordinated the Advancing Research Ethics in Southern Africa (ARESA) Program and was a member of the h4Africa Ethics and Regulatory Issues Working Group. She obtained her PhD from NUI, Galway for her thesis The Regulation of Stem Cell Research in Ireland. Prior to starting her academic career, she was a Legal Researcher at the Law Reform Commission of Ireland.

Carmen Swanepoel is a Principal Medical Scientist and Lecturer within the Division of Haematopathology and jointly appointed by the National Health Laboratory Services (NHLS) and Stellenbosch University (SU) at Tygerberg Hospital, South Africa. She is concerned with research, diagnostic test development, and the teaching and training of staff/students. She currently oversees a small registered biorepository (NSB) within the faculty’s pathology department and also fulfill the role of the Haematology Molecular Diagnostic Scientist. Over the years, she has gained expertise in other biobank- and genomic-related operations ranging from governance, ethics, LIMS, sample and data sharing and protection, sample QC, and risk management to sustainability. Promoting the science of biobanking, genetics, and cancer within South Africa and the rest of Africa is a key mission and is involved in various projects associated with biobanking, cancer, and genetic research. Other research interests include molecular applications in leukemia diagnosis and cancer resistance mechanisms.

Melodie Labuschaigne is a Professor in medical law and ethics in the Department of Jurisprudence in the School of Law, University of South Africa. She is a former Director of the School of Law and the Deputy Executive Dean of the College of Law at UNISA. She obtained the degrees BA, BA (Hons), MA, and DLitt from the University of Pretoria and the degrees LLB and LLD (in medical law) from the University of South Africa. She has published numerous articles on medical law, focusing on the legal regulation of stem cell research, ethical, legal, and social issues relating to genomic research, assisted reproduction, and biotechnology law, in local and international law journals and has presented many local and international conference papers. She is a recipient of the Chancellor’s Award for Excellence in Research from the University of SA, the Women in Research Leadership Award, and the Hugo de Groot Prize. She has been involved with the revision and drafting of health legislation for many years and is regularly approached to provide legal opinions on legal issues relating to medical law. During 2016–2018, she served on the Academy of Sciences of South Africa consensus panel on Human Genetics and Genomics in South Africa: Ethical, Legal and Social Implications and has recently been invited to serve on the ASSAf consensus study on gene editing (2019).

© The Author(s) 2020. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Duke University School of Law, Harvard Law School, Oxford University Press, and Stanford Law School. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected]

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution NonCommercial-NoDerivs licence (, which permits non-commercial reproduction and distribution of the work, in any medium, provided the original work is not altered or transformed in any way, and that the work properly cited. For commercial re-use, please contact [email protected]

Gender and health social enterprises in Africa: a research agenda | International Journal for Equity in Health

Key research themes and questions emerged in terms of internal organizational factors (equitable systems and structure; training; leadership development and career advancement; payment and incentives), external factors (partner, household, and community support) and performance outcomes (see Fig. 3). Each factor and its associated research question is discussed further below. Once the six key research themes and questions had emerged from the data, we wondered how they related to each other. After reviewing the six emergent questions, we found that they could be further organized into the framework presented in Fig. 3.

Fig. 3

Research agenda with key future research questions

Equitable systems and structures

The success of a CHW program relies on an organization’s policies as well as quality supervision and organizational support systems [24]. Similarly, a social enterprises’ systems are also critical in shaping employees’ engagement and experiences [10]. Forms of equitable systems and structures include employment equity and non-discrimination policies, but also reliable provision of basic toolkits, drug supplies and equipment, without which CHWs cannot do their job effectively [2, 15, 24]. Based on CHW’s complaints, supervisor’s lack of skills, time, and transportation are the primary factors affecting the implementation of MCH programs [11]. In Pakistan, it was found that 70 % of female CHWs reported the most common problem they faced was dealing with administrative inefficiencies, such as inconsistent medical supplies and irregular supply of vaccines; it was also one of the main factors contributing to occupational stress and job dissatisfaction [16].

Although having timely and high-quality supplies is important for both women and men, many of these supports have additional gender dimensions and are further complicated for women due to the socially constructed expectations related to their roles. For instance, drug supplies may be unreliable for everyone, but women are often further burdened by limited mobility and may not have access to transport or the required funds needed to purchase supplies. Notably, CHWs with regular access to curative commodities and medicines had a higher social standing than those without [9]. These challenges are compounded by the fact that women must often work harder than men to be accepted by their communities and to overcome negative stereotypes [29].

The literature also reflects the critical importance of CHWs having effective and supportive supervisors, and supportive management systems. However, appropriate supervision is often one of the weakest links in CHW programs as a result of poorly defined roles and the difficulty of providing supervision in remote areas where services are already over-stretched and ill-equipped (Haines et al., 2011; [24]). Additionally, in light of the current emphasis on task-shifting, there is a real danger of overloading CHWs [43]. In Rwanda, the key challenges for CHWs included an overwhelming workload and a lack of sufficient supervision [4]. Therefore, from our assessment, we formulated the following research question needing further study:

What equitable systems and structures are most effective in supporting female and male CHWs working in health social enterprises?


The CHW literature emphasizes the importance of training. Most CHWs receive some training, often a few weeks but in some cases up to six months. As there is no formal professional or para-professional certification, however, the content, quality, length of, responsibility for, and approaches to training CHWs varies between programs and organizations [24]. Related to our interest in health social enterprises, there is also growing evidence that shows businesses are relevant actors in enhancing women’s access to training [10].

Research on training from Pakistan found that female CHWs operate within socially constructed gender norms that disadvantages and marginalizes them relative to the male-dominated society in which they live and work [29]. It is not surprising, then, that related to training issues, female CHWs reported sexual harassment, lack of understanding of women’s limited mobility and other gender-based constraints by their employers as some of their priority concerns [29]. Similarly, it was found that a quarter of female CHWs have significant occupational stress in Pakistan [16]. However, having greater skills and appropriate training including stronger communication reduces such stress [16].

The quality of training is a critical factor in the success of any CHW program, which requires adequate investment [32]. Challenges with training persist where CHWs described training as insufficient, poor quality, irrelevant, and inflexible and requested further training on counselling, communication and topics outside of their role [11]. In Rwanda, irregular trainings were an important constraint faced by CHWs [4]. In addition, depending on the context, women and men will have varying levels of education and literacy and will be operating under different social norms and expectations. However, no current research has been conducted on how female and male’s differing needs could be addressed by varied training. We argue that it is critical to consider these factors when training female and male CHWs, ensuring that training is gender sensitive and responsive. As a result, we formulated the research question,

What training is needed for female and male CHWs to be successful?

Leadership Development and career advancement

Leadership development and career advancement are highlighted throughout the literature as important to consider, particularly for female CHWs. The perceived absence of professional development opportunities and lack of career paths were additional factors associated with occupational stress for female CHWs [16], which led the researchers to recommend that a structured career path should be set out to improve performance [16]. Another study found that the development of career paths for women would aid in gaining respect from male colleagues and improving women’s job satisfaction [29], and subsequently, it was recommended that CHW programs should establish rewards and clear pathways for promotion [29]. Research also shows that some CHWs would appreciate the opportunity to share experiences with fellow CHWs [11].

Research has also recommended reserving a percentage of higher-level management positions for women in order to involve women at all levels of decision-making [29]. These findings are supported by a recent study that explored gender integration within social enterprises, which found that integrating women into middle and senior management is critical but requires long-term investment in capacity building and leadership development for women [10]. Improved engagement of female managers and employees (e.g. at-work training, opportunities in non-traditional roles, etc.) was found to have the potential to increase organizational productivity and performance [10]. As a result of the evidence, our question for further research was formulated as follows:

What leadership development and career advancement opportunities are needed for female and male CHWs to be successful?

Payment and incentives

An on-going and sometimes contentious debate around whether CHWs should be volunteers or paid for their work continues in the literature and in practice [24]. On one hand, volunteer CHWs are seen as a more sustainable, community-based approach to provide frontline MCH care in low-resource settings. Volunteers often receive a small financial incentive, such as an honorarium, travel allowance, sales from the sale of medicines, or other irregular payments [24], but are also motivated by non-financial incentives, such as social recognition and prestige, the opportunity to acquire greater health knowledge, and access to medicines that benefit their families [12]. On the other hand, it is argued that without adequate compensation, because CHWs are often poor, marginalized women, with significant time burdens and responsibilities, some see these volunteer positions as gender-based exploitation [9, 12]; and these organizations may also be subject to challenges such as high turnover and attrition [24].

Related to payment, there is a need for further research that examines CHW motivation by demographic characteristics including gender [13]. One review found that CHWs are motivated by altruism and social recognition, but also by knowledge gain and career development, and moreover, some are demotivated when their services are not appreciated [11]. Some CHWs wanted regular payment, while others worried that payment might threaten their status, and some salaried CHWs were dissatisfied with their pay levels [11]. In Rwanda, performance-based financing was an important incentive, but CHWs were also strongly motivated by community respect [4]. Tanzanian CHWs also have an intrinsic desire to volunteer, but this does not preclude a desire for external rewards [13]; and adequate financial incentives and in-kind alternatives were found to reduce the burden on families and increase a CHW’s commitment [13]. Subsequently, the essential future research question we have formulated reflects this ongoing debate:

What is the best mix of financial and non-financial incentives to economically empower female and male CHWs and optimize their effectiveness?

Partner, household, and community support

The literature notes that external support from partners, households and the community increase effectiveness and sustainability of CHW initiatives [15]. It is seen that gender bias and a lack at support starts at home, where active support from family members has a big impact of CHWs’ experiences [11]. Husband’s resistance and lack of support was a key barrier to female CHW’s participation in Peru [24]. Similarly, the main reason for female CHWs not attending training (and limiting advancement) in India was a lack of support from their partners (a prerequisite for promotion), whereas male CHWs saw support as an entitlement because it would increase their earning potential [9]. To mitigate these impacts, innovative approaches are needed to address partner resistance and lack of household support; for instance, researchers recommend actively engaging male partners and household members to educate them and address concerns [23]. A lack of support can also impact service delivery. Indian female CHWs reported being afraid to walk on their own between villages due to inadequate lighting and harassment, which required them to rely on spouses and other people for support [9].

Gender bias extends beyond the household though and to the communities that CHWs serve, which can exacerbate the existing gender issues around social acceptance and personal security. Consistent community support has been found to be a key component in the success of CHW programs [15]. In Tanzania, female CHWs struggled to provide counselling due to a lack of acceptance during home visits, despite having a similar knowledge base as men, as their motivations were thought to be secret or were misunderstood as adulterous [6]. Meanwhile, male CHWs faced gender bias as well in struggling to be accepted during home visits to pregnant women [6]. The transgression of gender norms is one of the primary factors increasing risks for female CHWs. Female CHWs who break traditional gender norms in Bangladesh can be ridiculed or South African CHW’s para-professional status can threaten the social status of their male partners [9]. CHWs can also be perceived as immoral due to their involvement with delicate subjects such as family planning or because they interact with male colleagues and travel unchaperoned, which in some cases has created backlash and even violence [9]. Based on the evidence in the literature, we propose the following important question for future research:

What can social enterprises do to promote partner, household and community support for female and male CHWs?


Robust evidence on the effects of CHWs for improving MCH is limited, however their use shows promising benefits when compared to usual care [25]. Different studies included CHWs performing different activities related to improving MCH, including reducing under-nutrition and maternal and child mortality, as well as controlling malaria, TB and HIV/AIDS. The majority of articles reviewed do not disaggregate findings or performance data by sex or gender. This is consistent with the findings of other reviews that have not found specific evidence on the relative effectiveness of female versus male CHWs [15]. In Kenya, where CHWs were observed during pregnancy home visits, it was found that socio-demographic characteristics such as the age, sex and education of CHWs has an impact on performance [5]. Where male CHWs were more likely to keep better records, female CHWs were more likely to counsel their clients appropriately and to elicit behaviour change [5]. Due to these findings, the researchers recommend that female CHWs are best suited to undertake MCH interventions [5]. Supporting this recommendation, in Somalia it was found that male CHWs experienced challenges in providing reproductive counselling and health services [6]. In Nigeria, low acceptance of male CHWs negatively impacted their performance; while in Afghanistan, the presence of a female CHWs was associated with higher utilization of reproductive services [6]. Such findings suggest that female-to-female or male-to-male health delivery services may improve performance and effectiveness.

However, these findings contrast with a study from Western Uganda that assessed the ability of CHWs to assess pneumonia in children under five, which found no relation between sex and performance [5]. Moreover, it has been argued that this perspective can reinforce existing gender bias in maintaining the assumption that only women should be responsible for MCH [6]. These assumptions also do not necessarily change or influence established gender norms, and subsequently inequalities, that may be restrictive or disadvantaging women in the first place. This has been seen in Brazil, where relying on female staff reinforced the assumption that only women can provide MCH advice, which was felt to excuse men from taking responsibility for childcare [9]. In Indonesia, the social status of elite female CHWs in fact supported successful programming but also reinforced stereotypical notions around female domesticity, voluntarism, and caregiving [9]. Researchers have thus recommended that more effort is required, when relying on an all-female workforce, to avoid the entrenching of gender stereotypes [9]. Therefore, based on the evidence available, we propose the following research question:

How do female and male CHWs differ with regard to performance and achieving MCH outcomes?

Research Publications – Wits University

SEF 2020 Journal Articles (in-print, online and accepted)

1. Auret C. and Sayed A. (2020) Online “The effects of uncertainty on investor expectations and volatility in the South African white maize futures market”, Investment Analysts Journal

2. Booysen F. and Gordon T. (2020)Trends and socio-economic inequality in public perceptions of healthcare delivery in South Africa”, International Journal for Quality in Health Care, Vol 32(2), pp 135-139

3. Lawana N.; Booysen F.; Tsegaye A., Kapingura FM. and Hongoro C. (2020) “Lifestyle risk factors, non-communicable diseases and labour force participation in South Africa”, Development Southern Africa, Vol 37(3), pp 446-461

4. Guvuriro S. and Booysen F. (2020) “Intra-household cooperation and inter-generational communication in the extended family: a field experiment in a poor urban community in Africa”, Review of Economics of the Household,  Vol 18, pp 635–653

5. Gordon T.; Booysen F. and Mbonigaba J. (2020) “Socio-economic inequalities in the multiple dimensions of access to healthcare: the case of South Africa”, BMC Public Health, Vol 20(289), pp 1-13

6. Casale, D.; Desmond C; and Richter, L (2020). “Catch-up growth in height and cognitive function: Why definitions matter”, Economics and Human Biology, Vol 37, pp 1-11

7. Casale, D. (2020) “Recovery from stunting in early childhood and subsequent schooling outcomes: Evidence from NIDS Waves 1-5”, Development Southern Africa, Vol 37(3), pp 483-500

8. Casale, D.; Espi, G. and Norris, S. (2020) Online “The predictors of different measures of dietary diversity among one year olds in South Africa”, South African Journal of Clinical Nutrition

9. Kesselman B. Ngcoya M. and Casale D. (2020) Online “The challenge posed by urban dietary norms to the practice of urban”, Agroecology and Sustainable Food Systems

10. Chipeta C. and Nkiwane P. (2020) Online “Financial slack, method of payment and acquirer performance: The case of cross-border acquisitions into Africa”, Investment Analysts Journal

11. Farrell G. and Kemp E. (2020) “Measuring the financial cycle in South Africa”, South African Journal of Economics, Vol 88(2), pp 123-144

12. Isaacs G. (2020) Online “Human Rights Impact Assessments and the Politics of Evidence in Economic Policymaking”, The International Journal of Human Rights

13. Kollamparambil U. (2020) “Educational Homogamy, Positive Assortative Mating and Income Inequality in South Africa: An Unconditional Quantile Regression Analysis”, Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 56(9), pp 1706-1724.

14. Kollamparambil, U. (2020) “Happiness, Happiness Inequality and Income Dynamics in South Africa”Journal of Happiness Studies, Vol 21(1), pp 201–222.

15. Morudu P, Kollamparambil U (2020) Health shocks, medical insurance and household vulnerability: Evidence from South Africa”, PLoS ONE, Vol 1​5(2), pp1-17

16. Kollamparambil U. and Mathentamo Q (2020) Online “Subjective Wellbeing Inequality in South Africa 2008-2014: A Unconditional quantile decomposition analysis”, Development Southern Africa, Vol. 10(1), pp1-22

17. Kollamparambil U. (2020) Online “Socio-economic inequality of wellbeing: A Comparison of Switzerland and South Africa”, Journal of Happiness Studies

18. Kutela D. Muchapondwa E. Shimeles A. and Dikgang J. (2020) Online “Aid, collective action and benefits to smallholders: Evaluating the World Food Program’s purchase for progress pilot”, Food Policy

19. Kutela D. (2020) Online “Forest commons, vertical integration and smallholder’s saving and investment responses: Evidence from a quasi-experiment”, World Development

20. Cordeiro, M. Kwenda P. and Ntuli M. (2020) “Crime and Life Satisfaction: Evidence from South Africa – Gauteng Province”, Applied Research Quality Life, Vol. 15, pp 715–736

21. Myeni S. Makate M. and Mahonye N. (2020) Online “Does mobile money promote financial inclusion in Eswatini?”, International Journal of Social Economics

22. Lemma TT. Freedman M. Shabestari MA. and Mlilo M. (2020) Carbon risk, carbon disclosure quality and financial reporting quality”, Business Strategy and the Environment, Vol. 29(5),  pp 2130-2143. 

23. Lemma TT. Mlilo M. and Gwatidzo T. (2020) Board remuneration, director’s ownership and corporate governance: The South African evidence” International Review of Applied Economics”, Vol. 34(4), pp. 491-511.

24. Lemma TT.; Shabestari MA.; Freedman M and Mlilo M (2020) Online “Corporate carbon risk exposure, voluntary disclosure, and financial reporting quality”, Business Strategy and the Environment

25. Lemma TT.; Shabestari MA.; Freedman M.; Lulseged A. and Mlilo M. (2020) Online “Corporate carbon risk, voluntary disclosure and debt maturity”, International Journal of Accounting and Information Management

26. Lemma TT. Shabestari MA. Freedman M. Lulseged A and Mlilo M (2020) Accepted “Carbon risk exposure, voluntary disclosure and debt maturity”, International Journal of Accounting and Information Management

27. Mncube L.: Ivaldi M. and Sánchez del Villar M. (2020) Online “Measuring unilateral effects under data scarcity: A merger case in South Africa” Concurrences

28. Mncube L. and Ratshisusu H. (2020) “Addressing excessive pricing concerns in time of the COVID-19 pandemic—a view from South Africa”, Journal of Antitrust Enforcement, Vol. 8, pp 256–259

29. Nicholls, N. and Romm, A.T. (2020), Work harder or aim lower? Overconfidence and belief updating in the classroom. International Social Science Journal, 70: 189-203.

30. Oyenubi A. (2020) “A note on covariate balancing propensity score and instrument-like variables”, Economics Bulletin, Vol. 40(1), pp 202-209

31. Oyenubi A. (2020) “Optimising balance using covariate balancing propensity score: The case of South African child support grant”, Development Southern Africa, Vol. 37(4), pp 570-586

32. Oyenubi A. and Wittenberg M. (2020) Online “Does the choice of balance-measure matter under genetic matching?” Empirical Economics

33. Padayachee V (2020) “A man for a crisis: Keynesianism, economic theory and the future of civilization” International Review of Applied Economics, Vol. 34(2), pp291-299. 

34. Padayachee, V. (2020) “Extraordinary times: Frank Stilwell and the study of inequality” African Review of Economics and Finance, Vol 12(1), pp 282-292

35. Padayachee V. and Van Niekerk R. (2020) “SA pays tribute to a comrade of integrity”, New Agenda: South African Journal of Social and Economic Policy, Vol. 76, pp 35-38

36. Michie J. and Padayachee V. (2020) “Alternative forms of ownership and control in the global south”, International Review of Applied Economics, Vol. 34(4), pp 413-422

37. Page D.,  McClelland D. and Auret C. (2020) Online “Idiosyncratic momentum on the JSE” Investment Analysts Journal

38. Pons-Vignon N. and Isaacs G. (2020) Online “Overcoming the legacy of apartheid? Reflections on the national minimum wage in South Africa”, Mondes en Devéloppement

39. Posel D.; Casale D. and Grapsa E. (2020) “Household variation and inequality: The implications of equivalence scales in South Africa”, African Review of Economics and Finance, Vol. 12(1), pp 102-122

40. Posel, D. and Bruce-Brand, J. (2020) Online “‘Only a housewife?’ Subjective well-being and homemaking in South Africa” Journal of Happiness Studies

41. Posel, D.; Hunter, M. and Rudwick S. (2020) Online “Revisiting the prevalence of English: Language use outside the home in South Africa” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development

42. Ayifah E. Romm A. Kollamparambil U. and Vosti S. (2020) Online “Effect of religion on the risk behaviour of rural Ghanaian women” Review of Social Economy

43. Jackson-Morris A.; Rossouw L and Boachie MK. (2020) “Key factors in achieving increased tobacco taxation: Experience from the island of Saint Helena”, Tobacco Prevention & Cessation, Vol. 6 (38), pp 1-5

44. Boachie M. Rossouw L. P and Ross H. (2020) Accepted “The Economic Cost of Smoking in South Africa, 2016” Nicotine & Tobacco Research

45. Sayed A. and Auret C. (2020) “Volatility transmission in the South African white maize futures market”, Eurasian Economic Review, Vol. 10, pp 71-88

46. van ‘t Hoff M. and Wall R. (2020) “Business districts: the spatial characteristics of FDI within cities”, European Planning Studies, Vol 28 (2), P273-295


Mittermaier, Karl (2020) “The Hand Behind the Invisible Hand: Dogmatic and Pragmatic Views on Free Markets and the State of Economic TheoryBristol University Press: Bristol, Pages: 278, ISBN No. 9781529209099, 9781529209105, 9781529215793


Book chapters 

1. Ntuli M. and Kwenda P. (2020) Chapter 11 “Gender Gaps in Employment and Wages in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Review”, In Konte M. and Tirivayi N. (eds) Women and Sustainable Human Development. Gender, Development and Social Change. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

2. Padayachee V. (2020) Chapter 4 “A survey of trends in macroeconomic policy and development in the global South: From World War II to the global financial crisis and beyond” in Francis D., Valodia I. and Webster E. (eds) Inequality Studies from the Global South, Routledge: New York

3. Padayachee V. and Rossouw J. (2020) Chapter 8The Independence of the South African Reserve Bank: Coming full circle after 25 years”, In Yagci M. (ed) The Political Economy of Central Banking in Emerging market economies. Routledge (UK): London

4. Bank L.; Posel D. and Wilson F. (2020) Chapter 1 Introduction: Migrant labour after apartheid”, in Bank, L.J.; Posel, D.; Wilson, F. (eds) Migrant labour after apartheid: The inside story, HSRC Press: Cape Town

5. Posel D. (2020) Chapter 2Measuring labour migration after apartheid: Patterns and trends”, in Bank, L.J.; Posel, D.; Wilson, F. (eds) Migrant labour after apartheid: The inside story, HSRC Press: Cape Town

6. Hall K. and Posel D. (2020) Chapter 5 “What does labour migration mean for families? Children’s mobility in the context of maternal migration”, in Bank, L.J.; Posel, D.; Wilson, F. (eds) Migrant labour after apartheid: The inside story, HSRC Press: Cape Town

7. Posel D. and Zeller J. (2020) Chapter 14 “Language use and language shift in post-apartheid South Africa”. In Hickey, R. (ed) English in Multilingual South Africa. The Linguistics of Contact and Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

8. Oyenubi A. (2020) Chapter 1 “Optimal Portfolios on Mean-Diversification Efficient Frontiers”, In Pichl L., Eom C., Scalas E., Kaizoji T. (eds) Advanced Studies of Financial Technologies and Cryptocurrency Markets. Springer: Singapore.

9. Christopher Torr. (2020) Chapter 1 “Mittermaier’s Modern Message”, in Mittermaier, K. (ed) The Hand Behind the Invisible Hand: Dogmatic and Pragmatic Views on Free Markets and the State of Economic Theory, Bristol University Press: Bristol

90,000 RIAC :: The current balance of political forces in South Africa: parties, groupings, formations

What is South Africa in terms of the balance of political forces at the present time? Why are the media of various states (including Russian and American), far enough from South Africa, and, it seemed, little interested in the processes taking place in the republic, suddenly start filming reports about the atrocities in South Africa, frankly exaggerating the colors? Why is suddenly the most developed state in Africa predicted a grim fate and said that the country will soon join the list of “failed states”? This is explained, in my opinion, not so much by the fact that South Africa has been experiencing very serious internal economic and social problems since the African National Congress came to power, but by the fact that for South Africa in general it is very difficult to make a correct forecast even in the short term.The reason for this is the unusually colorful (like the South African wilderness) domestic political arena where you can discover predators of all kinds. Until recently, the existing movements in South Africa have received little attention, so it is very difficult to assess their real power and influence. In what dimension should we generally consider the parties and groups existing in South Africa? It is worth starting from two of the most pressing issues on the agenda: the expropriation of land from whites without compensation and the derivative issue of the alleged “apartheid vice versa”.Alas, the relationship between whites, blacks and colored people runs through the entire history of South Africa and it would be wrong to avoid this, perhaps, a sensitive question, and then no analysis will work. BLF (Black First Land First). This organization appeared relatively recently in South Africa (in 2015 it split from the EFF). It consists exclusively of representatives of the black (not even colored) population and preaches absolute superiority in the rights of blacks over the white population (it does not matter: whether it is Boers, British, French, Irish – in general, in the eyes of representatives of this radical group, the descendants of all whites peoples who once landed in southern Africa are guilty before the original inhabitants of the continent).Quite straightforward and attractive in the post-apartheid period, the idea captures the minds of blacks and is rapidly gaining popularity – the organization even breaks into parliament. This group, whose representatives openly chant the slogans “one bullet, one settler” and “let us kill for the land”, also officially belongs to the extreme left wing of the political spectrum, express their respect for the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, however, only in words. In fact, the goal of the group (there is no clearly formulated political program) is the expropriation of land from the whites (and their eviction from South Africa).Due to the fact that the BLF, like the African National Congress in power, preaches leftist ideas, the organization does not meet any resistance from the authorities, although the slogans it proclaims contradict the Constitution of South Africa, in which the first thing after apartheid was enshrined the equality of all races. The group also has close contacts with former South African President Jacob Zuma and the notorious Gupta family. As a result, since 2015, an openly radical organization has appeared in South Africa, which in every possible way provokes groups on the other end of the political spectrum (we will talk about them later) and at the moment is the main catalyst for a possible civil war.The grouping, perhaps, does not enjoy open support from the authorities, but for sure no one interferes with it, which means that the BLF’s opportunities may be quite extensive. EFF ( Economic Freedom Fighters ). In the meantime, we are moving towards less radical elements of the domestic political arena in South Africa. The EFF (“fighters for economic freedom”) is already a full-fledged political party, just like the BLF, relatively recently created (2013), or rather, separated from the African National Congress and preaching communist principles and ideals.However, quite hostile rhetoric towards whites sounds from the representatives of the “fighters”. Officially, the EFF program does not mention the expropriation of land from whites as a goal, but, nevertheless, the leaders of the party, in particular Julius Malema, indulge in rather harsh and frightening statements about the white population. Thus, he began his election campaign in 2016 with the phrase: “I do not call for killing whites, at least not yet.” The difference between EFF and BLF is that, firstly, the party is present in parliament (the third largest) and participates in lawmaking; secondly, the proclaimed goals are still more inclined towards the struggle against the capitalists; thirdly, the “fighters” are less radicalized and not ready for open confrontation with whites.Bottom line: the party has officially recognized political weight, and its members are probably not open enough about their views and ideas. Potentially, the party can significantly toughen its rhetoric and move on a par with its “daughter” – BLF.

ANC ( African National Congress ). This abbreviation is familiar to anyone who has even casually read the history and international relations in Africa.The African National Congress (the ancestor of the two above-mentioned groups), being created back in 1912, is the oldest and most numerous of the existing parties in South Africa. The ANC has also been the ruling party for 25 years (that is, since the fall of apartheid) and stands at the head of the so-called National Democratic Revolution (NDR), the goal of which to this day is to finally eliminate socio-economic inequality in the country. formed from the colonial era and the apartheid era.

In terms of its location on the political spectrum, the ANC can be characterized as a left-leaning centrist party. On the one hand, representatives of the ANC do not so clearly declare the need to fight capitalism and build society and economy on the basis of the ideology of communism. On the other hand, in 2015, the party praised the activities of the Chinese Communist Party, stating that the development model it proposed was the most successful. The ANC does not allow itself such harsh and rash statements in relation to the white population, as, for example, representatives of the “fighters” who have broken away from it, but sympathy for the black population is still visible.For example, at the initiative of the ANC, national quotas were introduced, due to which many whites lost their jobs because there were “too many” of them. Also, the ANC remains to a certain extent indifferent to the problem of the murder of white farmers, who (as a result of raids on farms), according to some sources, since 1994, about 40 thousand have died. Without a doubt, the ANC is firmly holding the position of the voters, and the black population, inclined to support the Congress, is only growing, but this does not mean that the party’s position is unshakable. DA ( Democratic Alliance ). The Democratic Alliance of South Africa, the official opposition to the ruling ANC, is the centrist wing of the political spectrum. Without unnecessary and boring descriptions, it is worth saying only that the Democratic Alliance is a party for which mainly whites and people of color vote (as can be judged even by the map of municipal elections: in the western provinces, where most Afrikaner Boers live, the alliance wins) …Why? Probably because the Democratic Alliance is a kind of alternative to the ANC: those whites who want to continue building society on the principles of equality and non-discrimination, the principles of liberalism and a market economy, and who, at the same time, are not carriers of overtly radical ideas, choose the alliance. Currently, the Democratic Alliance is the quietest and most neutral party in South Africa, living in accordance with its slogan “One Nation – One Future.” Despite the fact that the party did not differ, like the ANC, in corruption scandals, nevertheless, it failed to keep its reputation absolutely unspoiled.For example, there were cases when party members were suspended for some time for racist statements (already against blacks), for expressing sympathy for the politicians of the apartheid era. On the whole, however, the party has proven its effectiveness and adherence to its principles (which I can judge from the conversations with the locals).

FF + ( Freedom Front Plus ). The Free Front is another opposition force that separated from the Afrikaner Volksfront movement.This party focuses more on Boer rights, Christian values, and currently on protecting Afrikaners from “expropriating land without compensation.”

The Free Front does not allow itself to be openly racist (like, in fact, all even the most right-wing and conservative white groups in South Africa), however, cherishes the idea of ​​creating a separate Volkstaat (People’s State) for the Boers.

The party has only 4 seats in the country’s parliament (only in the lower house) and, being an opposition (and a very inconvenient opposition that constantly draws public attention to murders on farms) does not have the same freedom of action or influence as the ANC and similar groups …However, the parties are sympathetic to all the same victims of the attacks – white farmers – who make up the backbone of the Free Front voters. The party, despite its essentially state of siege, is still trying to make its voice heard. For example, in April this year, members of the Free Front filed a lawsuit against the BLF demanding a ban on left-wing radicals opposed to the white population from participating in parliamentary elections. 90,000 Routine childhood vaccinations to save more than 50 million lives by 2030 9,0001

An international group of scientists, which includes employees of the MIPT Laboratory for Analysis of Population Health Indicators and Digitalization of Health Care, published an article about a study on the creation of artificial immunity in childhood.The Lancet magazine published an analysis of the coverage of routine vaccination of children in 204 countries for the period 1980–2019, the results were reported by the press service of the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology.

The proliferation of vaccinations and the availability of vaccines have helped eradicate many diseases. Once deadly infections such as measles and smallpox (which killed up to half a billion people in the twentieth century alone), have become, rather, a part of human history, because the emergence of immunity in childhood allows you to avoid the disease in adulthood.Each country has a set of measures to combat various infectious diseases. One of the most common is routine vaccinations (for example, against hepatitis, diphtheria, and tetanus). Scientists assessed these plans in reality, given possible data errors, analyzing global and regional trends in childhood vaccination, progress towards the goals of the WHO Global Vaccine Action Plan, and the relationship between vaccination coverage and socio-demographic development.

The study analyzed how major vaccines, including drugs against diphtheria, tetanus and pertussis, measles and tuberculosis (BCG) are used for vaccination in 204 countries. As part of the analysis, children were considered vaccinated if they had official documents on receiving the vaccine. In the course of the study, not only the drugs themselves were taken into account, but also their dosage, the age of vaccination and the examination schedule for children.

Head of the laboratory for analysis of population health indicators and digitalization of healthcare at MIPT Stanislav Otstavnov, one of the co-authors of the study, said: “Immunization is an important process of improving the quality of life of the world’s population.Routine vaccination of children is a prerequisite for improving public health outcomes. Over the past 40 years, high rates of vaccination have been achieved in the world, which suggests that maintaining the given dynamics even in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic will save more than 50 million lives by 2030 ”.

Analysis of the data showed that by 2019, childhood vaccination has reached a fairly high level. Global coverage of the third dose of DPT (comprehensive vaccine against whooping cough, diphtheria and tetanus) is 81.6%, up from 39.9% in 1980.Coverage with the first dose of measles vaccine rose from 38.5% in 1980 to 83.6% in 2019. Coverage with the third dose of polio vaccine has nearly doubled over 40 years, from 42.6% to 79.8%. The period from 2000 to 2019 is characterized by a good rate of vaccination.

90,020 But, according to data for 2019, 14.5 million children around the world still did not receive their first dose of DPT, which indicates a failure in the implementation of the Global Immunization Plan. One of the reasons for this situation is unequal access to vaccines in middle and low-income countries.This situation puts children at risk.

Stanislav Otstavnov explained: “This situation cannot but be alarming – modern healthcare requires a global outlook, global initiatives. On the other hand, the Smallpox Global Eradication Program, in which Soviet specialists played a key role, is a victory for the good of all mankind, an example of how people, united, can make the world a better place for their children and grandchildren. ”

90,020 National governments and global organizations continue to commit significant resources: from 2000 to 2017, funding for vaccinations in “problem” countries totaled more than $ 107 billion.It is planned that under the new program “Agenda 2030” the number of children receiving a zero dose of vaccine will be halved by 2030 due to the expansion and availability of routine vaccination for all categories of citizens, regardless of income level.

Russia has a high level of vaccination coverage of children, including against tuberculosis, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis (DTP 1, DTP 3) and hepatitis B (significant progress has been made over the past 20 years), poliomyelitis: rates are close to 100%.Vaccinations against rotavirus infection are not yet provided in the National Calendar, but in recent years the pneumococcal vaccine has been included in the corresponding calendar, with which four out of every five children have already been vaccinated.

90,000 The struggle for influence in Southeast Asia continues

At the beginning of August, the mutual maneuvering of the leading world powers in the Southeast Asia subregion continued. Their main participants are the United States and China, which are increasingly drawn into the struggle for the “minds and hearts” of peoples living in Southeast Asia, for the prevailing influence both on individual countries and on the regional “Association of Southeast Asian Nations” formed by the latter (Association of Southeast Asia Nations) in general.

Note that the original appearance of ASEAN poorly corresponds to the idea of ​​economic unification of states (not to mention the military-political), bound by some joint obligations. Like, for example, the EU, whose main field of activity is the organization of economic cooperation of the European countries of this Union. Claiming, however, and the political representation of Europeans in the international arena.

Both of these components are present in ASEAN, but in a much less pronounced (and even simply “blurred”) form.Suffice it to say that trade within ASEAN cannot go beyond a third of its total volume (despite ambitious decisions taken in the past). In the EU, this figure is about three quarters. ASEAN does not even come close to having the same large-scale bureaucratic machinery that is housed in the EU capital, Brussels.

Which does not mean at all of secondary importance in the modern political processes of this regional Association as a whole, as well as each of its ten Southeast Asian countries.This is evidenced by the increased frequency of visits to the region of various levels of statesmen from leading world players. Tours in the countries of Southeast Asia of their representatives are more and more reminiscent of the race races of specific athletes. It is high time to open a new Olympic discipline “Obstacle Race on the roads of Southeast Asia”. And there is a reason to “run”, because the prize is, we repeat, control over one of the key areas of the world playing table.

Note that this regional Association itself provides an abundance of competition areas.On an annual basis, forums are held with each of the leading players. There is the “ASEAN + 3” format, in which the Association’s interlocutors are a trio of leading Asian countries represented by China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. A number of ASEAN member countries are united by the common problem of using the waters of the Mekong, which for them is truly a river of life.

So each of the world’s most important “athletes” has a place to prove himself in response to the call from ASEAN: “Go for it, gentlemen-comrades”. And they “dare”. Both “gentlemen” and “comrades”.

US Secretary of Defense L. Austin has just probed the prospects for developing relations with three important ASEAN members (Singapore, Vietnam and the Philippines). Two days after his departure from the region, the head of the American Foreign Ministry, E. Blinken, joined the work in the same direction. Which in the period 2-6 August held as many as 5 videoconferences with colleagues from ASEAN, using most of the sites offered by the Association.

On the eve of these events, the State Department issued a message in which, firstly, once again the “central role” of ASEAN in the development of US relations with the countries of the region was confirmed and, secondly, the main topics of the upcoming negotiations were listed.These included the problems of combating the Covid-19 pandemic, climate change, ensuring freedom of the seas and the efficiency of existing international instruments in this area. Mention was made, of course, of “Burma” (a member of ASEAN, which has long been called Myanmar), where at the beginning of February this year. g. there was a military coup.

In the statement of the State Department on the agenda of the ministerial videoconference in the US + ASEAN format, attention was drawn to E. Blinken’s mention of the program (sponsored by the American government and operating since 2013.) training of young leaders (Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, YSEALI). This program is being implemented in cooperation with Fulbright University of Vietnam.

Located in Ho Chi Minh City, the aforementioned university was established in 2016 with the support of the US and Vietnamese governments. It is so far the only educational institution of this level among about 80 others operating under the so-called Fulbright program outside the United States. This once again testifies to the special role that the US leadership assigns to Vietnam among other ASEAN member countries.

On August 6, E. Blinken took part in the 28th session of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which is a ministerial platform where various aspects of strategic stability and security are discussed. The ARF, operating since 1994, is one of the most representative sites created on the basis of ASEAN. At present, 26 countries plus the EU Foreign Ministry are taking part in the work of this forum.

During a speech on this site, E.Blinken, among other things, voiced the entire set of claims established by now in Washington against the main geopolitical opponent in the person of Beijing. Mentioned were “provocative behavior in the South China Sea, […] human rights violations in Tibet, Hong Kong and Xinjiang.”

The innovation was the expression of the US Secretary of State “deep concern over the rapid growth of the PRC’s nuclear arsenal.” Although a year earlier, the US Department of Defense had already expressed its opinion on this topic in the annually updated report of this department to Congress on the topic of the military development of the PRC.

Speaking at the same forum, the head of the Chinese Foreign Ministry Wang Yi, who also reaffirmed the “central role of ASEAN” in the region, refrained (unlike his American colleague) from directly specifying the source of problems in Southeast Asia. But, of course, there was no doubt who was meant when it was said about “certain extra-regional powers” ​​that are trying to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, bring their own strategies to the region and provoke military tension here.It was also clear to whom the statement about the inadmissibility of the involvement of external players in the events unfolding in Myanmar was addressed.

Speaking at the PRC + ASEAN platform, among the important achievements in bilateral trade and economic relations, Wang Yi pointed to the signing of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) last November. This is a really important tool of the PRC in the process of realizing its own course in Southeast Asia and throughout the Indo-Pacific region.The fact of participation in RCEP is also a significant advantage of Beijing in competition with the “extra-regional” Washington for influence on the situation in Southeast Asia.

The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China did not bypass almost the most painful topic in relations with southern neighbors, which is due to a complex of problems generated by territorial disputes in the South Caucasus Sea. For nearly two decades, the parties have been making efforts to develop a binding document (Code of Conduct, CoC) regarding their “behavior” in the SCM, which would prevent the occurrence of unnecessary incidents.According to Wang Yi, “consultations to agree on the CoC text” will continue. Already good.

No less difficult tasks were solved during the videoconference at the above-mentioned ASEAN + 3 platform. The problems in this political “quadrilateral” are mainly due to the difficulties in all (let us emphasize this) sides of the “triangular” partner of ASEAN. This, in particular, does not allow the implementation of the long-standing project of creating a trilateral (with the participation of China, Japan and the Republic of Kazakhstan) Free Trade Zone.

Although, judging by the content of the speeches of Wang Yi and Japanese Foreign Minister T.Motegs, assessments of the current situation in the region, as well as approaches to solving emerging problems are quite similar. Naturally, both ministers avoided controversy over rather unpleasant aspects of bilateral relations. For example, those caused by disputes over the ownership of the Senkaku / Diaoyu Islands, different attitudes towards Taiwan issues, obvious and all-round competition in Southeast Asia.

In general, the author’s impression of the most general plan from the events that have just taken place with the “central” participation of ASEAN can be expressed (almost) in the classic: “The South China Sea is restless.”This is confirmed by the growing military activity in the South Caucasus Sea of ​​both the United States and the PRC. Some of the European filibusters are in a hurry to join. It is unclear, however, why.

The only thing that can be said quite definitely in this regard relates to the next statement of the growing importance of this sub-region at the present stage of the Great World Game. This, in particular, is evidenced by the increasingly intense races in the SEA region of the world’s main “athletes”.

Vladimir Terekhov, expert on the problems of the Asia-Pacific region, specially for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

90,000 Alexey Vasiliev / South African Republic within and outside the BRICS

Alexey Vasiliev, Honorary President of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, expert of the BRICS NKI – specially for InfoBRICS

South Africa is the fifth BRICS member. The very abbreviation BRICS – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – appeared with the accession of South Africa to this union.

The smallest member of the BRICS in terms of population and size of the economy, however, the only one from the whole continent.South Africa is located in the very south of Africa. Its territory is 1.223 square kilometers (two France). The population is approximately 56 million people. About 80% of the population are Africans (Bantu peoples, large ethnic groups: Zulu – 24%, scythe – 18%), about 9% are so-called “colored”, that is, mestizo, about the same number are white (Afrikaners are descendants of immigrants from Holland and English-speaking), about 2.5% are from Asia, mainly Indians. The country has 11 official languages, including nine African. Most Colored people speak Afrikaans.

South Africa “competes” with the African giant Nigeria in terms of the size of the economy. It accounts for almost a third of the GDP of the African continent. In addition to the developed manufacturing industry in South Africa, mining is of great importance: the country is the world’s largest producer of platinum, and also extracts in large volumes chrome ore, palladium, vermiculite, vanadium, zirconium, manganese ore, gold, diamonds, uranium.

The leadership of South Africa takes BRICS very seriously and attaches great importance to it.It considers the organization to be a forum with a global perspective. Participation in it also works for the pan-African prestige of South Africa.

Pretoria in the BRICS itself promotes the idea that each country represents its own region, and BRICS is not a union of states, but a union of regions. Therefore, South Africa supposedly represents the entire African continent. Certain difficulties arise in this matter. Of course, South Africa is the gateway to Africa and knows it best. South African elites perceive the rest of the continent as a zone of their special interests.But if Pretoria assumes any obligations, they do not automatically apply to the rest of Africa. If South Africa has signed something within the BRICS framework, this does not mean that Ethiopia, Nigeria, Angola or, say, Egypt will comply with it.

South Africa is positioning itself as a regional superpower, which causes a not very positive reaction, for example, Nigeria, which takes the first place in Africa. Nigeria, South Africa and Egypt – three African countries – are striving to secure a permanent seat on the Security Council in the event of a change in the UN structure.In any case, the image of Nelson Mandela, one of the most outstanding leaders of the twentieth century, still plays on the prestige of the state both on the continent and in the world as a whole. He supported ideas and cooperation with Russia, and South-South dialogue, and a focus on the African direction. It was South Africa that came up with the idea of ​​the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD).

G20 meetings have been held annually for almost 10 years, with the participation of heads of state and government and finance ministers.South Africa plays a significant role in these meetings. A number of important international forums have taken place in South Africa. It is worth recalling that nearly 20 leaders of African countries were invited to the BRICS summit held in Durban in 2013.

It was the entry into BRICS in 2009 that became a very important moment in South Africa’s foreign policy. This corresponded to the general context of the foreign policy strategy that has been taking shape since the early 1990s. The African component has become important in world politics, given that, despite crises and conflicts, Africa as a whole is developing faster on average than the rest of the world, with the exception of China and India.In addition, Africa’s weight in the world’s population may increase from 16% at present to 25% by 2050. Membership in the BRICS has become the most important foreign policy achievement of Zuma’s administration, and has made it possible to increase its international authority.

South Africa is not a major player in the international arena, but it has a lot of weight within the African continent. She was able to lead the ship of her foreign policy in troubled international waters, defending her own interests.In particular, this is why she joined the BRICS. South Africa has put forward a number of broad international social and cultural initiatives, taking into account the need for cooperation with China, Russia, as well as with India and Brazil.

Be that as it may, South Africa undoubtedly has great potential for “soft power” within the African continent, although its use is limited.

One of the components of South Africa’s foreign policy is to strengthen the country’s security in an environment where it has practically no enemies.But ensuring stability and predictability in neighboring countries is important. South Africa is actively involved in the search for resolution of contradictions in conflict situations, especially in the South African region.

Of course, diversification of trade and economic ties, an attempt to increase the share of value-added goods in exports, and not only mineral raw materials and agricultural products, remains among the tasks of foreign policy. Much is also said about promoting international security and stability, respecting human rights and democracy, strengthening South-South ties, and protecting the interests of the states of the African continent.

There are certain shades that can make a difference. South Africa in the current conditions is more focused on leadership among the countries of its immediate surroundings, in particular, in the SACU region – this is a customs union of Southern Africa, which, in addition to South Africa, includes Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. SACU members have a single exchange rate regime, except for Botswana, their currency forms a constant parity with the South African rand.

The next region with special interests for South Africa is the Southern African Development Community, that is, many countries lying south of the equator – SADC.Its members may have the same interests, but they can be multidirectional. Active participation in the activities of the African Union gives South Africa the opportunity to advance its economic and political interests on the continent. It claims to be the “voice of Africa” ​​when discussing African issues in international forums.

South Africa hoped that participation in the BRICS would not only raise its international status and at the same time strengthen its position as a representative of the African continent, but also increase the inflow of foreign investment into its economy.From this point on, its activity yields certain results – investments from China are increasing. But at the same time in South Africa the positions of American and British capital are growing in absolute terms. In general, it can be considered that the foreign policy of South Africa is multi-vector. Relations with the West, i.e. with the United States and the European Union is an important vector, but ties are growing with China, which acts as a competitor to the West.

The disparate size of the economies of China and South Africa must be taken into account. Every 8 months, the growth of the Chinese economy is equal to the GDP of the entire South Africa.South Africa’s priority is to increase exports to China of high-value-added goods, not just raw materials.

BRICS has significantly changed the architecture of relations between developed and developing countries during its existence. The global financial system has become more flexible, opportunities have opened up for a balance of power and stability, which is also in the interests of South Africa.

Both China and Western countries, especially the United States, are recognized leaders in the use of “soft power” in South Africa itself.The cultural presence of the West is constantly felt, especially in the media – in television and radio programs, as well as in film distribution. Western countries are actively working in the field of education. Scholarships, which fully cover the study and stay in the host country, are distributed already at the graduation stage. For example, France trains nuclear engineers, specialists in the maintenance of nuclear power plants, and seeks to hinder the job opportunities of nuclear graduates from other universities, for example, Russian.Although the French have built only one small nuclear power plant in South Africa, they do their best to impede other countries’ activities in this industry. Therefore, everyone else, including the Americans, Russians and Chinese, has to fight for penetration into nuclear energy.

The European Union (so far – together with England) accounts for a third of the total trade turnover of South Africa – more than 40 billion euros. In general, the EU is a more important partner than China and the United States. However, China’s role is gradually increasing. In 2009, China for the first time came out on top in trade with South Africa, if not counting the EU as a bloc, overtaking Germany and the United States.

China’s trade with South Africa accounts for about a fifth of China’s trade with the entire continent. Machinery and equipment, household appliances, mobile phones go from China, and from South Africa to China, first of all, non-ferrous metal ores and coal. The Chinese adhere to the slogan “no ideology, no politics, only business” in relations with Africa.

90,020 The United States ranks third in terms of trade with South Africa after China and Germany. South Africa is one of 38 African states that have been granted the right to supply their products to the United States at reduced tariffs, which contributes to its export.South Africa maintains traditional ties with Great Britain. At the same time, an important role is played by the fact that a significant part of white Africans, including the business elite, are descendants of immigrants from England.

As for Russia, the two countries are linked by fairly close views on the international situation, common political practice, historical heritage and practically unrealized potential of economic ties. Of course, the joint political discourse within the BRICS creates additional opportunities for bilateral cooperation between Russia and South Africa.For the Russian Federation, South Africa is a strategically important region, political dialogue continues on many issues, but there is a certain imbalance between politics and economics in relations between the two countries. The first decades of post-apartheid South Africa can be considered an almost lost decade for Russian-South African relations, although there have been some progress.

On 28 February 1992, diplomatic relations were established at the level of the embassies. In 1993, the Consulates General of Russia were established in Cape Town and South Africa in St. Petersburg.This happened on the eve of the complete collapse of the apartheid regime.

Further, Russia and South Africa went to a high level of bilateral political ties on the principles of equality, mutual understanding, trust and respect for each other’s interests, on the experience of interaction gained during the years of the struggle against apartheid, as well as on the similarity or coincidence of positions on most pressing international problems.

A landmark event was the official visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to South Africa in 2006 – the first ever visit by a Russian leader to sub-Saharan Africa.The Treaty of Friendship and Partnership between our countries was concluded, which laid the political foundations for bilateral cooperation at a new stage.

A qualitative step forward was the adoption in 2013 during Putin’s working visit to South Africa, timed to coincide with the BRICS summit in Durban, of the Joint Declaration on the Establishment of a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Russia and South Africa. This document, which has become the basis for further building bilateral relations, enshrines the mutual disposition for interaction and defines the ways of developing large-scale cooperation in the political, trade and economic, inter-parliamentary, defense, scientific and technical, humanitarian and other fields.

Since 2010, the President of South Africa J. Zuma has visited Russia several times, or rather seven times. A regular exchange of messages has been established between the heads of state on topical issues of the bilateral and global agenda.

Increasing cooperation in specific areas is carried out within the framework of the established intergovernmental mechanisms, among which the key role belongs to the Mixed Intergovernmental Committee on Trade and Economic Cooperation (CMIC).

Space cooperation is developing successfully.Russia ensured the launch of the South African space satellite Sumbandila in 2009, and the official opening in South Africa of a Russian quantum-optical station at the radio observatory in Hartbisthoek is scheduled for 2017.

In recent years, bilateral ties in the field of culture have noticeably increased. In South Africa, Russian musical, ballet and dance groups are welcomed with enthusiasm. After a serious study by the parties, in 2016 in Johannesburg and Moscow, the opening of the cross Years of Russian Culture in South Africa and South Africa in Russia took place – the first of its kind in the new history of bilateral relations.

One of the main problems in relations between the two countries, as noted, is that trade and economic cooperation lags far behind political cooperation. The trade turnover between the two countries reached its peak in 2013, exceeding $ 1 billion, but in recent years it has dropped somewhat. So far, the statements on the possibility of cooperation in the field of peaceful uses of atomic energy have not budged. Food products are imported from South Africa, as well as machinery, equipment, vehicles, minerals, and consumer goods.South Africa supplies Russia with fruits, wine, raw sugar, canned fish, clothing, footwear, tobacco, precious and semi-precious stones, and industrial equipment. Russia supplies South Africa – in addition to agricultural products, mineral fuel, oil products, fertilizers, ferrous metals, instruments, optical devices.

South African capital makes certain investments in Russia in the processing of raw materials, the food industry, in the tourism and construction business. Opportunities for Russian participation in the search for deep-water hydrocarbon deposits off the coast of South Africa are opening up.

Despite the difficulties associated with the negative global environment, including prices for raw materials, South Africa is a promising partner for Russia with great potential for bilateral cooperation in various sectors of the economy. Such Russian companies as GK Renova, specializing in the production of manganese ore, OJSC Severstal (production of metallized coal briquettes with an iron content of more than 90%), Rusatom Overseas, OJSC Gazprombank Africa, and others operate there.

The provisions of the Joint Declaration on the Establishment of a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership are being implemented very actively and constructively in the foreign policy sphere, in particular, within the framework of cooperation between the two countries at the UN and at other authoritative multilateral platforms where Russia and South Africa participate.

“South Africa and Russia actually proceed from the same premises when forming their foreign policy, which allows them to fruitfully interact on topical issues on the international agenda,” said Russian Ambassador to South Africa Mikhail Petrakov.- Both countries are in favor of a polycentric model of the world order, in which there is no place for the dominance of one country or a block of states. The views of the two sides coincide or are close in most key international plots, in particular, the strengthening of the central role of the United Nations in addressing pressing issues of our time. “

South Africa, like Russia, is committed to the idea of ​​further development, institutionalization and increased interaction in the BRICS format. South Africa actively, creatively and effectively served as chairman of the association in 2013.It was Pretoria who came up with the idea of ​​creating an “outreach” format at the BRICS summit, which makes it possible to involve regional neighbors in interaction with the unification. Since the Durban summit, this format has been regularly and successfully used by each successive chairmanship. In general, cooperation between the Russian Federation and South Africa in the BRICS can be called close and fruitful.

Despite the political crises within the country, South Africa is unlikely to fundamentally change the foundations of its foreign policy. Whatever the internal political conflicts, it can be assumed that the main foreign policy towards the BRICS countries, including Russia, will remain basically the same.



It was difficult to enter Afghan, however, as well as to leave. A little later about this, all in order. Again, my crafty pages will be through the prism of a soldier, Tweezers (medical instructor) of the regimental intelligence of the Airborne Forces, a guard sergeant. So do not blame me, other commonwealths of different types of troops …

Flew to Kabul in mid-October, I don’t remember exactly, on an IL-76. Exciting, let’s face it.We leave, towards adult mustachioed men in parades, berets, many with awards. As it turned out, these “adults” are demobilization 1.5 years older than us. We tried to cheer you up with some words, like “Good luck, guys!”, “Don’t piss, serve with dignity!” …

Cold, over the airfield of the mountains, the sun is just rising. Huddled together. The buying officers began to drive up. Distribute whom to where and in which company. One of the first armored personnel carriers arrived with zeros, reconnaissance, the people parted, the ensign and the captain jumped off. “Who is the medical instructor here?” – “I AM!” – “Sergeant Major.Give him an armored man and an erdeshka (RD – paratrooper’s knapsack). Run along the thorn on the airfield. ”

After Gayzhunai, the SMB training (training company of the medical battalion), then there was something to run from the mountain to roll. I came running. “On the horizontal bar, do what you can.” Did. “Enough”. – “Jump on the APC.” – “Chief, throw him in the location and come back.” Go. Where we are flying at such a speed is unclear. We slowed down to recover. The ensign has a submachine gun, all burnt out, without bluing already, two horns, steamed with tape, frayed, the horns are already white from scratches.I say: “Chief, let me shoot.” He: “Eh, boy, you will shoot more.” Have arrived. It was not far away. At that time, they were guarding the takeoff of Kabul on a small and large hill – Hadji-Ravash and Hadji-Bugra. I went into the tent, somewhere in the corner three or four people were swarming. “Great, guys,” I say. In response, hee-hee-ha-ha … The body comes up and pokes me with its thread in the sternum without a bazaar, like hit me. Pokes the second time, I take a half step back and say: “Guys, let’s live together.” They: “Ha, Leopold came to see us!” And the same lad is trying to poke me again.I hit it on the plywood, it crumbles. The rest jumped up. Me: “Guys who twitch – I will kill.” A bit angry. They: “Well, mouse, the boys from the mountains will return now – you’re finished …”.

Photo: Machine gunner Andrey Polishchuk “Pike” wrote: “We are at Kunar. Spring. Unloading. The company was delivered by a rotary-wing taxi, first to the Asadabad region, and later to the Pechdara River region.
In the photo in the center Edik Anuchin, died on 10.22.85. Served with him in Afghanistan in 82 – 84 years. Notable was the ensign of intelligence 317 RAP. He loved to fight!
To his right is Nikolai Frolov.Left – there is an opinion that this is Sanya Drozdov.
In a few days, when this photo was taken, he will leave for another world. He died on May 28. ”And then I left the tent, sat down under the fungus, closer to the sentry with a submachine gun, began to wait for its end and reflect on the fighting brotherhood. Well, yes, I thought they would pour a hundred grams of front-line soldiers at once for the meeting.

Towards evening the boys drove up, I remember, scary, with red eyes, with machine guns, all gray – eyebrows, eyelashes – from dust. They were told that a brown mouse drove in and swept the old serviceman.They went”. We went into the cafeteria, into the tent, and … they beat me. I didn’t brush it off for long. Lost. I remember waking up, the boys pour me out, wash me with water. These were two young “mice” who arrived a little earlier. Day one was drawing to a close.

Day two amused me and gave me confidence in the day tomorrow. Morning formation of the company. Introducing a young fighter, I mean me. A company commander, short, guard captain, always walked his hands behind his back when he was not with a machine gun. Comes up to me, looked up.And my face is 6 by 9, I barely felt it with my hands. “Well, fighter, fell?” Me: “That’s right, I fell.”

He: “Democrat, get out of order!” And his legendary phrase: “Behind the tent we swarm a trench standing for shooting from a horse!” And there is Afghan – granite humus. Scrap, pick. He did not understand who was what. The commander was stern. He never raised his voice, but everyone was stupid when he gave orders.

Once we ran off to war, we got a little tired, and we had three days of rest. He ordered the foreman to build a company.Prapor: “Rota, rise!” Him: “Fuck you on …!” And so three times. He complained to the company commander, they do not get up, they say. He went to the fungus, snatched the machine gun from the hands of the soldier and fired a burst over the tent. And there are bunk beds. A minute later the company was standing. And after 20 more young people were sewing up a perforated tent, sitting on the bins. Wounded him at war somehow, they wanted to unload him – they did not give anything to anyone. I walked by myself.

So, my face lived on, a week later a war was drawn. Here demobilization manifested itself. They dragged the hardest things, unloaded the youth to the maximum.Shooting. Vasya the machine gunner wets somewhere for a long time. I crawled: “Vasya, where to shoot?” He gave me a butt on my helmet. They knocked us down, young people, in a heap behind a rock, so as not to get caught. The whistle of bullets, stone fragments, a terrible ricochet. First shout: “Tweezers!” – and I no longer belonged to myself, there was not even fear at that moment. After the war, I was handed a submachine gun of the guard of the senior sergeant of the Hero of the Soviet Union Alexander Mironenko. He died. He served in our company.

The tweezers’ job is simple – to find, identify the wounded on the cords and lungs, provide assistance and deliver to hospitals.I was in the command platoon, went with all the platoons, so the war was enough. After the wars with heavy losses, the Tweezers were collected in the divisional morgue – to help push what was left of the boys into zinc. One of Tweezers’ grim work. Therefore, they sent accompanying people to their homeland, so that, God forbid, relatives would not open the coffin.

Generally, reconnaissance was used for ambushes. The agents gave information, we left various posts into the night, lay down on the path and often clapped the spirits.

I remember the first ambush. It got dark, the platoon commander read out the order. Send the cartridge to the chamber … And then my friend said to me: “Sanya, I think the cartridge did not go into the chamber.” He’s a machine gunner. Me: “Well, check it out!” Open the box. And then he pulls the trigger. The first was the tracer, he crashed with a hiss under the feet of the platoon commander and the chief of the outpost. Platoon: “Heading.” As if nothing had happened. And we disappeared into the night. Cold-blooded was a fellow.

We lay down on the path, so that you could reach each other with your hand.You can’t move, the audibility is atomic in the mountains at night. If you feel like urinating – for yourself. Waiting hours. Barely audible voices, pebbles falling … coming. The order is the first shot of the platoon commander. The spirits are already right in front of us, three to five meters. It seems that the pounding of your heart in your chest will give you away. Thought – “well, come on, come on, urine !!!”. The long-awaited burst … They were shooting all long, in one burst seven people from the AKC, one AKM and a machine gun. We shot back, lay down, the machine gun hollows, the horns were cut off. Stop. This was my first hell.”For the homeland!” nobody screamed. Horror, a sea of ​​fire and a solid mat. We went to bed. We wait. Silence. We understand that with such a density of fire there is nothing living there. They crawled away. Platoon: “Fire on a grenade!” Eight grenades lay in a heap. Silence. Horror! And the cry: “Allahu Akbar!” Another volley on the horn in that direction. We went to bed. We are silent. We listen to ringing in the ears. Five minutes, ten, fifteen, twenty … “Commander, what are we doing?” We crawl to examine the corpses. Two spirits with machine guns and three with machine guns. One lies directly on the machine gun. We pull his shoulder to turn it over, and he is alive, presses the trunk.Queues at close range from three barrels. The spirit bounces on the tracers as if in a frying pan. Horror. Silently we went down to the armored personnel carriers. Command from the post: return and pick up the corpses. Someone at the headquarters did not believe in the result. “Jackals” we called them – staff officers, managers, from major and above …

Insanity! We got up, let this mess down. Tied to armor, sent to the post. Themselves, returning, tore off the signaling, the sappers changed the mine map. And this is death! When the banner was broken, a flurry of fire flew from the post, led by the ZU-shka.Squeezed into the ground. Everything, I thought, was the end. So everyone thought. Okay, the head of the post warned us that we are not wearing armor. A lot of time has passed since then, the heart starts to go from all kinds of fireworks, signal flares. They came. Silently chifirnuli. We are silent, knocked down. In fact – oh-ta-na-lyu-dey !!! The platoon commander defused the situation: “Guys, we didn’t kill, we destroyed the enemies.” I slept for an hour, dawn, returned to the corpses dumped under a mulberry tree. One spirit was opened with a bullet in the skull. I took a scalpel, tweezers, and see how everything works in nature.Voice behind: “Sanya, what are you doing?” I turn and look: a friend as pale as snow. I explained to him that I needed this, that I saw my brains only in a picture, in a training company of a medical battalion, what should be understood in case of injury, they did not study in medical schools … This was the first, and therefore the most memorable, ambush, and then weekdays flew to the war went as if to a night session of horror films …

Home :: Private Correspondent


The results of the “Path to Science” competition will be announced on August 30

The jury approved the list of winners and prize-winners of the qualification works competition “Path to Science – 2021” (path to science.rf). In total, 54 people will be awarded in two nominations, of which 44 were selected during the peer review. 13 authors have taken first place in their subject category, 15 are second, and 16 more will receive an honorable mention. More than 1.5 thousand people took part in the competition.


“Private Correspondent” editorial office

Why has “Chascor” turned green?

We have tried for a long time to write this editorial statement.We wanted to fit into it 12 years of work, 45 thousand articles (and even a little more), several editions and infinity of work and effort. And also – try to explain the ongoing changes to our readers.

Vitaly Kurennoy

Traditional values ​​and dialectics of criticism in a society of singularity

Nikolai Patrushev’s article on Russian values ​​is interesting in itself, but also evoked a vivid response from Grigory Yudin, who exposes the paradigm of “values”, apparently interpreting it as something purely Russian-original, and the very concept of “value” characterizes as “rotten”.I will try to express here my attitude to this interesting remark, and at the same time comment on the nature of the statement about which it appeared.

Ivan Zasursky

It’s time to start publishing all diplomas and dissertations!

An open letter from the President of the Association of Internet Publishers, a member of the Presidential Council for the Development of Civil Society and Human Rights Ivan Ivanovich Zasursky to the Minister of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation Valery Nikolaevich Falkov.

Sergey Vasiliev,

What kind of money do we need?

Do you need investments in small business now and what really requires investments?

Over the past decades, our market has been saturated with many modern spaces for trade, entertainment and services. If you look at our figures for the saturation of retail space for grocery, clothing, furniture, construction retail, we will see that they have long overtaken the leading countries of the world.Moreover, among our cities in terms of this indicator, it is not Moscow that is leading at all, as it might seem, but Samara, Yekaterinburg, Kazan. Moscow is only in 3-4th place.

Ivan Zassoursky

Post-Trump, or California in the era of the early Noosphere

A long and intricate story of one trip from the words of a traveler

Sitting in my office at the journalism department, Lawrence Lessig listened for a long time and with interest to the story about reform attempts copyright – from Dmitry Medvedev’s beautiful attempt to enter through the G20, ruined by the Eurozone crisis over Greece, to the not-so-beautiful second attempt by Medvedev to enter through the G7 (they even refused to speak).Now, I assured him, we can definitely – through BRICS – the main thing is to make the right proposals! Lawrence, oddly enough, agreed. “Come to the Grand Re-Opening of Public Domain,” he said, “everyone will be there, so we’ll discuss.”

Nikolay Podosokorsky

Virtual friendship

Tendencies of communication in Facebook

Friendship on Facebook is a relative thing. Yesterday a person wrote to you that he admires you and your “network activity” (do not ask me what it is), and today he writes that you are a quilted jacket, a bastard, “uncovered” and in general “everything is clear with you” (should you write that what do you really think about Crimea, Ukraine, the USA or the West).

Marat Gelman

Textbook on materialism

“What am I thinking? I am trying to cultivate a materialist in myself. But it doesn’t work. ”

Many people poured onto the beach today. From the point of view of the materialist researcher, it was a certain number of two-legged bodies, say, thirty men and thirty women. There were more highs than lows. There are more thin people than fat ones. There are few blondes. Half – after fifty, an eighth of the elderly and children.A quarter are young people. An inquisitive scientist, perhaps, could find out the volume of the brain of each of us, the color of the eyes, would take forty blood tests and somehow divide everyone according to some criteria. And I would even do a genetic analysis for a thousand bucks each.

Dmitry Voloshin,

Theory of self-disbelief

About why we are afraid of real actions

We live in interesting times. Time for open discussion, fast travel and slow action.It seems that everything is there for making decisions. Information, a lot of structured information, mass, and means of its analysis. Wednesday, open controversial environment, the acquired skill of expressing one’s opinion. People, many intelligent people, honest and active, dreaming of changing at least something, thinking in categories of goals that go beyond the limits of life.

Silent love

“We met after the concert. I finished work late, after midnight, I was collecting the equipment, I went out, I looked, sitting on the street, such a lonely one.I recognized her – saw her on stage. I went up to her, started talking, and she told me “yyy”. Then she took out a notebook, wrote down her name, and added that she had nowhere to go, she had a falling out with a guy, and her parents were in another city. Well, I invited her to my place. At that time, the wife had already moved out. So we live together for six months. ”

Mikhail Epstein

Simpsychosis. Soul – mistress and slave

Nature knows such a phenomenon as symbiosis – the coexistence of organisms of different species, their biological interdependence.This phenomenon remains largely a mystery to science, although it was discovered by the Swiss scientist S. Schwendener back in 1877 when studying lichens, which, as it turned out, are complex organisms consisting of algae and fungi. The same power of indissolubility can act between people – on a psychic, not a biological level.

Lev Simkin

A person from the award list

On the “People’s feat” website there are award lists for Simkin Isaakovich.My father. He himself saw them not so long ago for the first time. All four. The latter, 1985, does not count, then Chernenko awarded all veterans with the Orders of the Patriotic War. And the rest, those dated to the forty-third, forty-fourth and forty-fifth years, he listened with great interest. I listened, because it is difficult for him to read, the font is too small. Still ninety.


Oleg Davydov

Catherine’s wheel

The current of suffering flowing through time

On December 7, the Orthodox Church celebrates the day of memory of the Great Martyr Catherine of Alexandria.This saint was considered in Russia the patroness of weddings and pregnant women. On her day, the girls wondered about their betrothed, and the guys arranged sled races (and therefore Catherine was called Sannitsa). All in all, it was one of the happiest holidays of the year. However, there is nothing funny about Catherine’s story.

Eve Fairbanks

Nelson Mandela, 1918-2013

On December 5, 2013, Nelson Mandela died in Johannesburg at the age of 95. When he was sick, Eve Fairbanks wrote this article about his life and legacy

The achievements of Nelson Rolilahla Mandela, the first democratically elected President of South Africa, put him on a par with the likes of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln, and a pantheon of rare individuals who, with their deep insight and clear vision of the future, have transformed entire countries.Thrown into jail for 27 years by the white minority of South Africa, Mandela emerged from captivity in 1990, ready to forgive his oppressors and use his power not for revenge, but to create a new country based on racial reconciliation.

Hammer of witches. Does witchcraft exist?

On December 5, 1484, the witch hunt began

On December 5, 1484, Pope Innocent VIII’s famous “Vedic bull” – Summis desiderantes was published. From that day on, the Holy Inquisition, which until now enthusiastically monitored the purity of the Christian faith and the observance of dogmas, took up the task of destroying all witches and generally strangling witchcraft.And in 1486 the book “The Hammer of the Witches” was published. And soon it overtook even the Bible in circulation.

Alexander Golovkov

Reign of unfulfilled hopes

190 years ago, on December 1, 1825, Emperor Alexander I died, who ruled Russia from 1801 to 1825

Alexander I became the first and last ruler of Russia who did without organs, guarding state security by secret search methods. We lived like this for a quarter of a century, and the state did not perish.In addition, he came close to the line beyond which the country could get rid of slavery. And also, having won a victory over Napoleon, he led a coalition of European monarchs.


“Music of the Earth” of our

Pianist Boris Berezovsky never ceases to amaze his fans: either Prokofieva will play like Chopin – tenderly and lyrically, then she will appear at the piano as a delicate and refined accompanist – this is he who is accustomed to being a soloist.Now he acted as the artistic director of the festival-competition “Music of the Earth”, where he combined folklore and classics. Boris Berezovsky himself told the private correspondent about the concept of the festival and its participants.

Andrey Yakhimovich: “Play with your spinal cord, develop anti-money”

Conversation with Andrey Yakhimovich (Cement group), one of those who created not only Latvian, but also Soviet rock, the founder of the Riga Rock Club, a wise counterculture and a real Riga citizen – like good coffee with black balsam with an interesting companion in the Old Town of Riga.Suddenly, doomedly funny and paradoxical.

“Every dog ​​is a personality”

Interview with a specialist in dog behavior

Antoine Najaryan is a well-known specialist in dog behavior throughout Russia. When compared to dog handlers, he claims that his work is something completely different, and asks not to be confused. It is not for nothing that dog owners turn to Najaryan from all over the country: what they do with animals is amazing and seems impossible.

Yuri Arabov: “As soon as I find God, I will die, but for me it will be happiness”

Yuri Arabov is one of the most successful and famous Russian screenwriters.He works with directors of very different outlook and style. Arabov’s latest works are “Faust” by Alexander Sokurov, “St. George’s Day” by Kirill Serebrennikov, “Room and a half” by Andrey Khrzhanovsky, “Miracle” by Alexander Proshkin, “Horde” by Andrey Proshkin. All these films were met by critics and audiences with great interest, they all became events. It’s hard to believe that these plots were invented and written by one person. Our correspondent spoke with Yuri Arabov about his childhood and Moscow in the 60s, about the heroes of his scripts and his religious search.


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